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eleusa on Thu, 8 May 2003 00:10:39 +0200 (CEST)

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<nettime> [RE:] Magazine / works from Argentina

[RE:] magazine / Argentina <<>> U.S.

1.	Coordination and Cooperation by MTD Solano
2.	the Piquete by the Collectivo Situaciones and MTD Solano
3.	Occupy and Resist by Tierra del Sur Cultural Center, Buenos Aires
4.	Two Companions are on Their Way by MTD Luagno

Coordination and Cooperation: Methods of Our Struggle
(translation from Spanish by Veronika)

On August, 8th of 1997 we created the Movement of Unemployed Workers of 
Solano (Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados Solano) to be able to search 
for a collective solution to the problem of unemployment. We made our first 
assembly with 30 neighbors. After the fourth assembly we talked about what 
sort of organization we would build. After a lot of discussion, we agreed 
on our organization principles: 

AUTONOMY: against the state, union centers, political parties and 
institutions. But autonomy means also the space that we build from a 
practice that leads us to new relationships, to a new world radically 
opposed to the world of capitalism. From the confrontation with reality 
grows a new subjectivity, a new thought. The new that we are living is what 
motivates us. This new way of working is above all else inside the 
movement, where daily we are confronted by an enigma and, since it is 
something new, we have to think a great deal. 

HORIZONTALITY AND DIRECT DEMOCRACY: because in the movement there are no 
places of hierarchy, there are no members above any others. Decisions are 
taken in assemblies where each of us has the right to participate, give 
opinions and decide through consensus. In these five years that we’ve been 
advancing together we have been learning that the only way to achieve our 
rights and demands is struggle, organization, collective elaboration and 
direct action. In this course rose the statement that identifies us: “For 
Work, Dignity and Social Change”. We believe that social change is the only 
way to get out of our situation of hunger, misery, unemployment; all 
products of this system. 

Currently, the Movement is composed by seven neighborhoods (Florida, 
Sarita, Monteverde, San Martín, Iapi, Berazategui, Claypole) with around 
1,200 organized members. Decisions are taken in neighborhood assemblies by 
consensus, which delegate to some members the duty of carrying that 
neighborhood’s concerns to the general table. At this table are joined the 
delegates of each neighborhood who carry the voice of theirs and other 
represented neighborhoods. Participation is equal among all the delegates 
of the different areas (administration, security, political relations, 
training, health, community purchases, economy, press, productive 
workshops, etc.) who bring proposals, questions or information about these 
areas to be evaluated in the neighborhoods. 

On the other hand, each neighborhood has a neighborhood table in which the 
neighborhood delegates, delegates from work-groups and the different areas 
of the Movement take part to discuss on their specific problems. It works 
in the same way as the general table, everybody brings the voices of their 
group and that of others as well. 

Each area and each neighborhood is autonomous in its functioning; that 
autonomy is necessary but it can’t contradict the principles, criteria and 
agreements of the Movement. 
Our Movement couldn’t have advanced and grown in this rich experience of 
fight without the coordination with other sectors of the popular field. We 
took part in the Coordinadora de Trabajadores Desocupados “Aníbal Verón”. 
It is difficult to coordinate; sometimes different forms of construction 
get confused and warped making it difficult to advance. This happened in 
the Coordinadora and it was decided that the coordination would be divided 
in two, forming on the one hand the CTDs (Coordinadora de Trabajadores 
Desocupados) “Aníbal Verón” and on the other the MTDs (Movimiento de 
Trabajadores Desocupados) “Aníbal Verón”. Even though we reasserted that we 
are companions and we go on fighting in coordination. 

Now, we are taking part in the MTDs “Aníbal Verón”. We have political 
agreements that have been useful to coordinate different fighting plans, 
often with success; these agreements are: 

* Respect for the autonomy of each organization, its identity and form of 
* Autonomy against the state, union centers, political parties and 
institutions (churches, NGOs, etc.). 
* As the method for our struggle, direct action, as a mechanism to make 
demands before the state. This is so because no government official is 
concerned about our needs as people. 
* None of the movements that take part in the Coordinadora can take part in 
any electoral process of any kind. Although we respect the free decision of 
the members of every movement to support a candidate or vote, the 
Coordinadora calls for non-participation. 
* The identity of the Coordinadora is one of organized unemployed workers 
in struggle with real insurrection in the neighborhoods. 
* As a front of battle apart from work and dignity, the struggle for human 
rights: for the freedom and amnesty of all popular fighters, trial and 
punishment for the oppressors and repressors of the people. 

Movements that constitute the MTDs “Aníbal Verón”: 
M.T.D. “Darío Santillán” Alte. Brown (Bs. As.), M.T.D. Lanús (Bs. As.), 
M.T.D. Lugano (Cap. Federal), M.T.D. Quilmes (Bs. As.), M.T.D. J.C. Paz 
(Bs. As.), M.T.D. Varela (Bs. As.), M.T.D. Guernica (Bs As.), M.T.D. “Darío 
Santillán” (localidad de Cipolletti en Río Negro), M.T.D. Solano (Bs. As.), 
M.T.D. Esteban Echeverría (Bs. As.), M.T.D. Berisso (Bs. AS.), M.T.D. 22 de 
Julio (localidad de Allen en Río Negro). 


Colectivo Situaciones: A conversation with MTD Solano*
situaciones {AT} sinectis.com.ar
(Translated from Spanish by Ivan A. Ramirez)

The Piquetes

-I think that the piquetes blasted away our sense of helplessness, but in a 
new way. We shook the country out of the lethargic dream that Menem and his 
politics were selling, like a bolt of bright new light. Together with many 
other struggles, we woke the country from the sweet dreams of post-
modernity. They branded us with a name—the Piqueteros--but for us the 
piquete became the only way in which we could talk with the rest of the 
country, our way of telling them that there were other methods of struggle, 
other ways to fire-up our lives with dignity.

-How did this idea arise? How did you get organized?

-The piquetes began in the interior, in Cutralco, Tartagal, Mosconi, 
Santiago del Estero, and they spread throughout the country, blocking the 
trade routes that fed the most important cities. Once that had started, 
people started to take the piquetes seriously as a way fighting, even here, 
in Buenos Aires, but there were tremendous arguments over the plans; over 
whether it was correct to ask for the work plans or not [The “plans” are 
worker´s benefits. They are obtained from the government by demand from the 
piqueteros. They are used by the piqueteros to install and support communty 
run bakeries, kitchens, popular education projects and more (translator’s 
note)]. Some said that we were only up to reformist self-help schemes. 
Instead of getting embroiled in that argument, we decided to put it into 
practice. At that point our organizing had only reached the level of church 
groups, but we were always talking about a greater struggle. We were always 
talking about taking over the Municipality, raising the stakes, and then 
there was the first road blockade. The first was somewhat improvised, and 
some of our compañeros were arrested. But, little by little, it started to 
come into evidence that a new way of fighting had been developed. 
The most important thing, however, was that our numbers started to grow; we 
started to build productive workshops, to enable people, to teach what we 
were learning, all of those things that are so much more important than the 
blockades. The blockades are only the most visible element, and so it seems 
that they are all there is to see, but the struggle is really what we had 
been doing before. In reality, we only started the blockades once we had 
already gotten organized.
Yet the press still insists in disparaging us, talking about unemployed 
hoodlums, masked criminals, entirely marginal people, bums…
-It’s important to make it clear that from the beginning all of the left, 
including the progressives, accused us of begging, self-help, reformism, 
and did not see what the central demands of the organization entail: work, 
dignity, social change. It was obvious that many things went beyond the 
plans; even if many organizations did not, because once they had gotten the 
plans they would call it quits.
The piquetes have changed a lot. At first, in the first blockades, we kept 
our faces completely uncovered, we did have some rocks, kept hidden, and we 
did not reveal them because we did not want to frighten people. It was a 
process; we suffered escalating repression and we started to cover our 
faces, so that we could not be identified. We only used violence as self-
defense. We did not start to throw sticks and stones in order to attack, 
but to defend ourselves. It is also essential to point out that the 
piquetes and the plans are just another factor in our struggle; they are 
not fundamental.
-The plans are the reality that allows us to organize ourselves. Clearly, 
we can’t take control over a factory. We are very different from other 
kinds of organizations, groups that do very real work, because we cannot 
use the neighborhood organizations as an “excuse” that leads to other 
-There were some hard moments in the first blockades, but things changed 
after Mosconi [This is a reference to the rebellion of the people of Gral 
Mosconi; which is in the province of Salta. The rebellion took place in 
June 2001; strong repression left a count of two dead. ]. From then on the 
consciousness of our compañeros changed. At first we had to insist that 
everything was going to be alright, we had to struggle to keep our 
compañeros from being frightened, and more often than not we had to keep 
our sticks and our slingshots hidden. We had strong disagreements on 
whether to keep our faces covered or not. It took time for people to 
understand that we needed some kind of self-defense, that the security 
compañeros could not show their faces to the militias. In the blockades 
that we did with the congress of La Matanza, the people of the CTA [Central 
de los Trabajadores Argentinos (translator’s note).] would demand that we 
remove our hoods. We took that to the assembly, and the assembly decided 
that we might as well abandon the piquete if we were forced to go unmasked. 
The system considers the blockades as crimes, they are illegal, but to us 
they are entirely legitimate. We finally understood this, and it changed 
our organization fundamentally.

-We understand that what makes you different from other organizations of 
the unemployed is that you organize workshops, projects, task groups, that 
you have a burgeoning collective life: how does this difference manifest 
itself in the conception of the piquetes?

-I have been to other piquetes and our organization is different to theirs, 
our security criteria are different, and our compañeros have a different 
notion of discipline. It would be very surprising to catch one of our 
compañeros drinking at one of our piquetes; that someone is asked to leave 
because he is a security risk. There have been a lot of changes in the 
neighborhoods, in the lives of our compañeros, because you have to keep in 
mind that these were compañeros who, a year ago, would take 30 pesos in 
bribes for their vote, who were forced to steal in order to survive.
-Our common development, our formation, holds all of this together. That’s 
its bedrock. Nobody imposes a drinking ban, or stops a compañero from 
drinking; we talk about these things at the assemblies. Basically, the 
coordinators don’t get to decide whether drinking is forbidden or not, 
rather, we look for a consensus; we discuss the reasons why it might not be 
prudent. That’s the great difference; it’s not because you happen to wear a 
hood, or carry the biggest stick.

-When did you get the first plans, the ones that helped you to organize?

-In 1997, as soon as we started marching onto the Municipal Hall, we got 50 
plans. We didn’t do any blockades then, we marched to the Department of 
Labor. So, we got our first plans through our actions on the Municipal 
Hall. We achieved autonomy in the handling of the plans after two blockades.

-This idea, to transform this relationship with the State: was this a 
conscious decision at the time?

-Yes, and this is what made us different to other organizations, now there 
are many organizations that are beginning to do the same thing. The 
problem, basically, was that the municipality would put pressure on the 
compañeros to keep them from organizing. 120 workers got work under the 
State’s plan; only 5 or 6 of them are still part of the MTD. We soon 
realized that it made no sense to promote a project that would extend the 
process we wanted to redress.

-We have discussed the heterogeneity of the piquetero movement on several 
occasions. How do you explain this heterogeneity?

-Our difference to that of other movements is becoming increasingly 
apparent, that is, above all, because many others still work in the 
classical way: they say, “we seize power from above and then we change 
things;” while we say: from below, without any desire to seize power, we 
struggle. Those other organizations see themselves as political actors and 
they have revolutionary strategies; we see ourselves, like the 
Subcomandante Marcos says, as rebels seeking social change. For example, 
they say that what we call popular education de-forms people rather than in-
forming them. They don’t make any attempt to tie popular education to 
political education, on the contrary. We were below, at the bottom, and we 
don’t want to rise, we want to stay there, we will always be rebels.
We are at the bottom and we don’t want to come up. We have a lot of 
compañeros that stand out, but none that aspire to lead. We all lead, all 
of the time.
-In any case, these differences won’t let us lose sight of the fact that we 
have to organize, that we have to coordinate and articulate, that it is 
necessary to go on discussing things and coming to agreements, struggling 
together. We are not saying that we know the truth and the others don’t. We 
know that we build things differently; but these differences can be 
coordinated, just as long as we keep raising the call for social change, 
for dignity, and that we don’t take advantage of people, say, by using them 
to win elections.

-I have heard some piquetero compañeros complain that they 
felt “useless,’ “forgotten,” “left behind,” in their everyday lives, yet, 
at the blockades they feel different; “empowered,” they feel that “they 
have a choice.”

-It’s true; it’s a liberated zone, the only place where the cop won’t treat 
you like trash. There, the cop says to you, “pardon me, we come to 
negotiate.” That same policeman would beat you to death if he saw you alone 
on the street.
-It’s true that you feel yourself to be in control of an area during a 
blockade, but I believe that the compañeros are aware that organizing 
empowers them; that it is not only the blockade, but the organization that 
makes you strong. For example, today the compañeros are putting up signs on 
the street, they put up MTD signs, with an small arrow, indicating how to 
get to the shelter. These are the strong signs of an emerging counter-power.

-People say that some of the compañeros have a purely pragmatic 
relationship with the movement; that they only come to get the plan. How 
does this actually work out in the piquetes?

-The majority of the compañeros that join the movement--more than eighty 
percent--start out only because they have concrete necessities. They need 
something to eat, they don’t have groceries, they don’t have work; they 
have nothing. At first they come for the plans, but once there is a real 
process, things change, they begin to feel the excitement and the need to 
get organized. But yes, some compañeros only go because the assembly voted 
that those failing to attend the blockade don't get a plan.

-Some say that taking to the streets is a way of saying “no” to a 
model, “no” to a system. I think that this can be understood in two 
different ways: in the first we speculate that the model failed and that 
you represent the moment when the victims stand forth, like 
with “Farinello,” [Luis Farinello is a priest who is dedicated to the cause 
of the poor and the chronically unemployed in Argentina (translator’s 
note).] whose “people” never step out of their role as the witnesses of 
misery: those that are “left-out,” those that beg, the impoverished, the 
forgotten. But, there is another way to see the issue, one where the model 
did not fail, where exclusion simply does not exist because there is no 
place of inclusion, where exploitation is merely a desirable variable in 
the system. Things being as they are, we feel that the stance taken by most 
of the people that participate in the piquetes is not that of the victims, 
rather, they present a very clear subjective desire to work and think 

-We don’t want to be included. At least, I know that I don’t want to be 
exploited ever again, to have Fortabat or Macri as bosses again, that’s for 
sure. I have not struggled just to return to exploitation. I believe, 
personally, and I believe that many compañeros share this belief in regards 
to themselves, that I am not made to be included, but this is something 
else altogether.
-One of the things that we know with certainty is, precisely, what we don’t 
want; getting organized makes this clear. To discover where we want to go, 
what it is that we are building, that is what is uncertain, new, and this 
is something that has not been closed-off, it’s unfinished, something that 
we think anew every day. The organization is dynamic, it changes and it 
reflects upon its changes. It’s true that the blockades are exciting, but 
what is truly exiting about the organization is that it brooks no 
dissociation between that excitement and our everyday lives. That’s where 
the reality of the organization lies; the piquete can only express what we 
have managed to build in our everyday life, otherwise it is useless. The 
system has nothing to offer us in regards to this task, and we are forced 
to build an alternate history.
We don’t demand things because we want to be included; we only demand 
things in order to continue getting organized.

-How is a piquete agreed upon, how and where do you block the road; who 
makes the decisions?

-Each and every zone reports on their situation. Then, depending upon each 
neighborhood’s situation, a battle plan is proposed. We discuss whether we 
will march or blockade. Each neighborhood assembly decides upon their 
action first, then, at the table, we try to reach a consensus based upon 
the choices made by the different assemblies. We begin to see what we may 
be able to achieve as the proposals are presented. We never talk about the 
specific location that we intend to block at the assembly, for security 
reasons. We choose the method but not the details.
-In the assemblies we determine the roles and the zones. For example, we 
determine which of the compañeros will take care of food, security and any 
injuries. That is to say, the different zones coordinate particular 
activities and then there is someone who is elected to serve as a nexus for 
all these zones. In contrast, other organizations have leaders who decide 
who does security; yet the location of the blockade and, therefore, the 
security zone itself—in our experience it is security that decides where a 
blockade will occur—remains unclear to the leaders. There are many 
different kinds of organization. 

-It seems as if security and the political criteria of the blockade always 
respond to the internal needs of the organization, rather than to the 
political conjuncture or to any possible external support.

-Yes, but these internal necessities entail much more than our “economic 
needs.” For example, we blockaded because of the events at Mosconi; those 
events implicated our identity, because if a compañero is affected in 
Mosconi, well, that also concerns us, even if it is something that does not 
seem to affect us directly in Solano.
-Likewise, we blockaded the Pueyrredon Bridge because the compañeros at La 
Matanza were under the threat of repression; we said to the government, “to 
repress over there, you’ll have to also repress over here.” We saw that 
they were beating our brothers (despite D’Elia and Alderete), so we had to 
come out to fight for them. Keep in mind, though, we do not build toward 
the conjuncture. We are not interested in elections, whether people should 
vote or not.
-Another example; when Patricia Bullrich [Patricia Bullrich is the head of 
Argentina’s Department of Labor (translator’s note).] organized an 
offensive, we said, “we have to come out because they want they want to cut 
our plans, they don´t want to renew them." It was an attempt to put a stop 
to our organization. What we never do is to come out when a super-
structural power tries to convene us, when an organization with a pre-
determined political agenda tries to mobilize us; we analyze and decide 
upon a situation according to our own agenda.
- We don’t want to foreclose anyone’s space; we don’t want to be a 
vanguard. We build because there is a reality that needs to be transformed, 
and we organize and join-up with those that are changing their situation. 
We are not interested in going to La Matanza to harangue and agitate, just 
in order to gain space. We don’t conceive politics in that manner. Yes, we 
believe that the base needs to be organized, but it is up to the compañeros 
at La Matanza to organize their own area. We want to coordinate our 
movement with those that are building theirs, but we don’t dispute them any 
political space. 
-It can’t be said, as others claim, that we are just a “base” movement. We 
do have a political project. In fact, we do know how to read the current 
political conjuncture, but our project occurs at the neighborhood level, 
with the people. Our analysis is more comprehensive, precisely, because we 
work in this manner. They can’t reproach us for lacking a strategy and a 
guiding political structure; that’s a lie. The movement itself is a 
political tool; all of us, all the compañeros in the movement, constitute 
this tool and we all work on the analysis. When we are asked what our 
political project is, we explain that it is this: politics from below, a 
comprehensive politics from below. Our goal is the complete formation of 
the person, in every possible sense. Everything counts, everything is 
-We don’t believe that we need a national front, one that encompasses the 
entire country, in order to succeed. I don’t believe that there will be an 
alliance or a front that will take power; there will be many fronts.
*This brief excerpt of a conversation between Collectivo Situaciones and 
MTD Solano is taken from the book La Hipótesis 891: Más allá de los 
Piquetes, Ediciones de mano en mano, November 2002, pages 54 to 62.


Buenos Aires, Argentina 08/12/2002

In the past year and a half, Argentina has seen the birth of at least four 
squatted social and cultural centers. Two are located in the capital 
district, one in the outskirts and one in Cordoba City. The squatted social 
and cultural centers are all places that were left abandoned and taken over 
by groups of people to serve as communal living space and to hold events 
and activities accessible to the surrounding community. Those who squat and 
maintain these spaces see them as partial answers to the social and 
cultural dilemmas in the cities of Argentina, as well as the most direct 
and concrete way to actualize the struggle against speculation and private 
The dominant culture in Buenos Aires is that of television, pop music, and 
(even though more than half the population live in poverty) consumerism. 
The entertainment industry is owned by the same people who operate the 
largest enterprises and the government, so the end product has a dual 
purpose: to earn money, and to manipulate the state of mind and political 
conscience of the people. The squats offer independent shows, theatre, 
poetry, music and parties (for which they rarely, if ever, charge entry 
fee) as well as an open forum for people from outside the squat to put on 
their own events. Many times the performers are members of the squat or the 
surrounding community. Artistic and musical programs have been cut from 
almost all public schools, and the subjects are rarely taught in such a way 
that people learn them well. Many people either finish or drop out of 
school lacking the basic skills of reading, writing and arithmetic. The 
social and cultural centers provide free classes including foreign 
languages, school help, juggling, drawing, welding, theater, and yoga to 
name a few. The squatters struggle for a society in which all resources, 
including knowledge, are freely exchanged. Many would like to create full-
fledged free schools, but few people trained in teaching have shown enough 
interest to start such a project yet. Food scarcity is a fact of life in a 
country where the food prices have quadrupled in the last six months. In 
the same time period, more than 300,000 workers have been laid off, putting 
more and more people below the poverty line each month. The squatters live 
in community, not only to fulfil social needs, but also to lighten the 
burden of obtaining the necessities of life on the individual, and are 
almost always able to put food on the table. They are horizontaly organized 
and make decisions in assembly by consensus. For the most part, these 
assemblies take place weekly and function to better the organization of the 
activities and community.
Squatting movements date back centuries, but the trend to create free 
artistic, cultural, and social spaces has its roots in the anarcho-punk 
movement in Europe during the last 30 years. Nowadays there are thousands 
of squats in European cities being operated this way, with well-developed 
networks of information exchange and mutual aid. Notwithstanding the lack 
of affordable housing, the act of taking over abandoned spaces is a 
political act for the squatters. Their ideological background is mostly 
anarchistic; they see private property as one of the bases of inequality. A 
slogan frequentley seen on the walls of the squats is: “If housing is a 
privelege, squatting is a right!”. The squatters, many having formed their 
ideology through immersion in or contact with the anarcho-punk culture, 
differ from traditional anarchists in that they want not only societal, 
political and economic revolution, but complete cultural change as well. 
They want not to not only topple all power-based relationships in the 
public and commercial sphere, but also abolish them on a personal level: 
between men and women, adults and children. Since they have no faith in 
reformist or systematic change, they plan their lifestyles and the 
activities they generate to confront the structures of inequality and 
oppression in society, and doing so make political and social resistance a 
daily part of their lives. For example, the free classes are directly in 
contrary to the hierarchical educational system. The communal lifestyle 
confronts a culture based on the family structure, which in their 
experience and opinion is oppressive. 
The ideology is basically the same in all of the squats, but the experience 
is lived out differently in each place. In the Social Center in Laferrere, 
the original idea was to create a community center with open, free space 
for nearby residents to put on activities. Due to the lack of interest in 
the adults of the surrounding community, the squatters had to create their 
own, and now, after a year and a half, there are free classes offered every 
day, now attended by people of various ages. The rest of the time the space 
is used by children from the neighborhood as an alternative to spending the 
days in the street, the most common way for kids to pass the time in that 
area, one of the poorest in Greater Buenos Aires. According to them, "The 
idea that motivates us the most is that of generating an anti-authoritarian 
conscience, fomenting free education and denying the oppressive values of 
the established society. There is no property law to respect; it's all 
about recuperating stolen and abandoned spaces, freeing them. Occupy to 
liberate souls and minds. Solidarity, respect, and mutual aid are 
indispensable, conscience and ideas are essential." The Trivenchi Brothers 
Circus was squatted about a year ago. The group entered the space with very 
concrete ideas about creating a training space for circus related skills, 
putting on events and holding free classes in the field. They have put 
together a real circus that puts on functions each week, and have daily 
classes. The Social and Cultural Center Tierra del Sur existed as a 
cultural center in a rented space for three years until the cost of the 
rent upped and forced them to look for an alternative way to create space 
for the classes, activities, parties, and performances they generate last 
December. "The proposal was to generate a space for free expression, 
calling together everyone to participate in the construction of a place 
where another way of life would be possible." They have a photoduplicator 
which most of the anti-authoritarian collectives in Bs. As. use to print 
material. One can see in the relatively smooth functioning of the community 
and the activities that the group has been maintaining such a project for 
years. Kasa Las Gatas, in Cordoba was squatted as much for the 
participants' need for a place to live as to create a social and cultural 
center.  "Squatting is a conscious act of rebellion that destroys the 
chains that impede our road toward liberty and constructs a better world, 
takes what is ours and advances along this road, step by step, with no fear 
that dignity won't win out."
Tierra del Sur and the Trivenchi Brothers Circus are under constant threat 
of eviction. The courts are currently hearing their cases, and if and when 
the judges decide, the police come to evict. 
Most of the people involved in the squats have been aqainted for years, 
through social events and political organizing. In the past few months they 
have begun to come together in a more formal manner. In September they will 
hold the first regional squatter convention of the southern cone, the idea 
being to exchange experiences and skills to strengthen their functioning 
and doing so infect others so they also open such spaces. What was a few 
years ago isolated deeds is beginning to constitute a true movement. The 
call is clear: “Dream, Live, Strugle. Occupy and Resist!”


Two Companions Are On the Way 
 by MTD Lugano

(Translated from spanish by El Viejo)

       Two companions are on the way 
       Falling because of the blood, 
           Their shouts of protest 
        With bullets in their bodies. 
       We were all there and that day, 
          With wounds of hatred, 
          Remained in our memory, 
       Two companions are on the way. 


          Through the dark station 
       Amid the shouts and the running 
            Of innocent people 
         Stepping in pools of blood. 

       Two companions are on the way 
       Falling because of the wounds, 
         let's not blind our eyes, 
         let's not deafen our ears 
       they want to tell us something 
         There's a world of people 
              Where were we all 
          How is it that we allowed 
             that they be harmed? 
               The answers given 
           Will not return the life 
              To our companions 
          I replied with sadness on my 

           Let's not blind our eyes 
           Let's not deafen our ears 
         They want to tell us something 
         That along the road will arise 
             Their shouts of protest 
            And there will be among us 
                 Dario and Maxi, 
               Ready for the fight 

eleusa2: R:adical E:xchange
all translations coordinated by the Eleusa Production Initiative
contact eleusa {AT} riseup.net

the RE: Magazine
spanish version available

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