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| Brian Holmes on Tue, 11 Mar 2003 19:22:19 +0100 (CET) |
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| <nettime> Re: There is no America and Europe |
This text by Bifo - INTERNATIONAL FUTURE HUMANITY - is very good, it
has already been circulating in France on the Multitudes list, and I
thank Tiziana and whoever translated it to English, if indeed it was
someone else. In this case, I agree with almost all of Bifo's points.
Basically I think that what we are seeing now is a rift within
Empire. As I already said in the text, "We Plebeians."
But a rift does not necessarily mean a division into two blocs, with
a European bloc emerging to claim a kind of social-democratic
legitimacy, against an American bloc that claims sovereignty through
military might. This would be the worst of outcomes. The rift that is
opening up now is one between the essential and opposed dynamics of
globalization: sovereign control and constituent power.
The European bloc has no legitimacy. It is in desperate lack of
legitimacy. Bifo asks: "Can we consider the great Europe [I think
that means "greater Europe," after enlargement], the Europe of the
national states and of the powerful financial capital, as a force
that is capable of imposing respect for human rights?" The answer is
no. The Europe that has been planned from the top down over the last
20 years, and increasingly since Maastricht, has become a distorted
reflection of NAFTA, a figure shaped by the kind of corporate
cooperation-in-rivalry which has been the very definition of
globalization as a state-capitalist project. Even if the current
assertion of European difference by France and Germany were to
succeed in recomposing Europe around these two strategically
partnered nations and their "vision of the world," what would that
bring? A European hierarchy in which the established social lobbies
within the large core states (I mean, the big corporations, major
trade unions and state and military bureaucrats) impose their
priorities on the whole, creating a semblance of social democracy for
a limited sector of the working population, and a control regime of
exploitation and exclusion for the majority, especially those on the
European fringes (but you have to realize that the same kind of
inclusion/exclusion hierarchy gets reiterated in the centers too -
'cause that's where it's invented). The racism that Are Flanagan
describes in his post (The Race for War) is the natural extreme of
the inclusion/exclusion logic, which is at the very center of
capitalism. And this is obviously a dead-end future, because it will
lead further down the road of inequality and violence that has
brought us to the present moment.
I think that many, many people in and around the European region and
throughout the world are aware of this, and we have to make it clear:
the resistance to the Irak war is founded on resistance to the deadly
dynamics of a profiteering world system, one that pays no attention
to problems of human development, a system that has exclusion as its
norm, and therefore only has military solutions to offer when
societies start to collapse. Europe must be transformed, it must be
shaken to the roots by a constituent movement that replaces the
priorities of money and competition with those of human development,
ecological sustainability, world solidarity.
It's clear to me that Bush's policy is itself an attempt at a
military solution to the problems of American society. Bush wants to
get re-elected in a situation where the economy is in a shambles and
the pressure on society due to unemployment, alienation and fear, is
rising. Bush and his crowd think they can cover up this crisis by
terrorizing Americans through the manipulation of the media, then
mobilizing their terror into the forms of superpatriotism and
military discipline. Bifo is totally right when he says that the
resistance movement within the USA is going to be the key to the
future of the world. If ever Americans "reelect" the "president" -
who wasn't even "elected" the first time - then it looks like history
repeats itself, and we're going to have something like the 1930s to
look forward to.
But I think Americans will reject Bush, as they rejected his father,
no less ugly and warlike than himself. More Americans are refusing
his policies every day. And I think the English will massively reject
Blair if he goes to war without any kind of mandate, and they will
make it politically impossible for any such usurpation of democracy
to ever happen again, because we're going to see more people on the
streets, more people taking principled positions at every level of
society, than ever before. People in America will do this at least
partially because they do not want to live in a bloc going it alone,
just as no sane person in Europe wants to live in a world of rival
blocs and military solutions. That's what we're protesting against.
I think that the worldwide peace movement, plus the dissolution or at
least the severe strain of the old alliances (NATO, UN,
Anglo-American special relationship, etc) could possibly force a rift
in Empire. That means a rift between globalization as a Euro-American
project in the service of capital, on the one hand, and globalization
as the constituent movement of the world's populations realizing
their interconnectedness and interdependence, on the other. It
doesn't necessarily mean that the world is going to retreat into
nationalisms of any kind (countries or blocs). That's the worst
outcome. The world has to find a way of living together, first to get
through the economic crisis that's happening right now, then to get
through all the other intense threats on the near horizon
(ecological, military, social). To do this there has to be much more
legitimacy, much more reciprocity and real solidarity than there is
in world affairs right now, which were dominated in the 90s by the
transnational coprate agenda, and now are on the verge of being
dominated by a nationalist/regional bloc agenda. But the seeds of
that reciprocity and solidarity are in germ right now - not at the
power-play level of national strategies and European statescraft, but
in the unprecedented mobilization and coordination of people around
the world who simply refuse the kind of future that is offered by
this war.
The main thing is this: the war is going to be deadly quick. When it
happens, protests have to be total. The strength of the protest will
directly determine the shape of our lives over the next decade.
Brian Holmes
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