Ivo Skoric on Sat, 3 Apr 1999 22:06:35 +0200 (CEST) |
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From: "Ivo Skoric" <ivo@reporters.net> Date: Fri, 2 Apr 1999 18:20:24 +0000 Subject: (Fwd) bergen record story Mdme. Albright may be right saying that Milosevic's ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo might have been carried through with or without NATO air strikes, but that does not save NATO's face: whether they expected that Milosevic will respond to their bombing campaign by increased atrocities against Kosovo Albanians or they believed that he would do that anyway, they had to make contingency plans to prevent him from doing it - after all this is how the Administration justified U.S. involvement in Kosovo to the Congress and American people. To add an insult to the injury - here is the story how Kosovo Albanian refugees are treated in the world's first democracy: ivo ------- Forwarded Message Follows ------- Refugees reach U.S., but find no sure haven By Debra Lynn Vial The Record (Bergen, N.J.), April 2, 1999 Afrim Karaqica is a farmer from Kosovo who claims his home was bombed and he was beaten after he helped other refugees reach safety. The ethnic Albanian fled to America and says his wife and three children are counting on him to help them escape before they are slaughtered. But the U.S. government wants to send him back. He's not alone. In the past two weeks, immigration officials in Elizabeth have also denied asylum to 19-year-old Arton Sadiku, who arrived in September. He had promised his parents he would take his two siblings to safety in America. Now, he's being held with other aliens facing deportation at the Elizabeth Detention Center, and the two children are depending on the kindness of strangers for a place to sleep. The two cases, both decided after the United States had begun planning to bomb Kosovo to stop persecution of ethnic Albanians, have terrified other Albanians in the metropolitan area who are awaiting their own hearings. Many say they will be harmed if they return to Kosovo. "I have nightmares about what could happen to my brother," 16-year-old Akrem Sadiku said through an interpreter. His brother, Arton, is appealing the judge's decision to deport him. The irony of the situation -- that one arm of the American government is ready to return these men to the very region another arm is bombing -- is not lost on the men or the people trying to help them. "There is not a day that passes that I don't think about this guy sitting in the detention center," said Dennis Mulligan, director of Lutheran Social Ministries of Trenton, the group providing legal counsel to Karaqica. "We are at war there. He was persecuted and his life was threatened by the Serbs. That's why he's here. That's why we're over there." Though the men are appealing and have been told its unlikely they would be deported until the armed conflict ends, family members and friends say Kosovo will never again be safe for ethnic Albanians. "This hatred runs too deep," said Helen Sokov, a Jersey City resident who counsels ethnic Albanians seeking asylum. "These people will never be welcomed back there." Immigration officials refused to discuss the two cases, saying asylum requests are confidential. In general, asylum is granted when immigration judges believe that aliens would be persecuted because of their race, religion, or political beliefs if sent home. Officials said requests are handled on a "case-by-case basis" and that nearly half of 1,050 people from the Balkans who applied for asylum in fiscal 1998 won the right to stay. The United States was so concerned about violence in Kosovo last summer that officials announced that anyone who came here before June 10, 1998, would receive temporary protected status and would not be deported. As NATO missiles are falling on Kosovo for the second week, officials are discussing offering that protection to more recent refugees, said Barbara Francis, spokeswoman for the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Officials could not say how many ethnic Albanians have recently applied for asylum. But, as refugees continue to spill by the thousands over the borders of the lands neighboring Kosovo, officials expect a surge of immigrants like Sadiku and Karaqica. One Manhattan immigration attorney who is representing two other people denied asylum by a judge last year believes he will win the appeal because it is now clear that ethnic Albanians are in grave danger. "I can't imagine that someone would get denied at this point," said the attorney, Martin Vulaj. "Things have changed since the hostilities have begun." In his cell at the Elizabeth Detention Center, Afrim Karaqica is not so positive. Karaqica, in his early 30s, says he no longer eats or sleeps because he is so worried about his family back home. Locked up in Elizabeth, he can't protect them from the rapes and torture he keeps hearing about. He hasn't received a letter from them in a long time. He fears the worst. "I don't know what happened to my family," he said. Back in Kosovo, Karaqica was a member of the Kosovo Liberation Army, the group trying to stop the Serbian ethnic cleansing campaign. His job was to help deliver medical supplies and provide a haven for refugees, said his attorney, Victor Yee, of Lutheran Social Services. He said he witnessed several massacres, and, after his involvement in the KLA was discovered, his home was bombed, then set aflame. He was beaten by police, he said. Karaqica fled to Croatia, leaving his family behind because he couldn't afford to take everyone. His plan was to send for them when he got to the United States. "I want to thank the United States for all the help with my people in Albania, but when I came here to survive, I was arrested." Immigration officials arrested him at Newark International Airport in December because his passport was forged, Yee said. At his hearing, Karaqica and his brother, who lives in North Jersey, testified about the dead bodies and carnage they witnessed. But the judge did not believe his story was credible, did not really believe Karaqica was who he said he was, because he had falsified his identification, Yee said. But Karaqica could never have left the region without forged documents, attorneys said. Indeed, many of the thousands of ethnic Albanians who are pouring over the borders of neighboring countries report that the Serbs have confiscated and destroyed their paperwork, birth certificates, and licenses to keep them from reentering Kosovo. "They can't say to their oppressors, 'I'm fleeing the country, please give me a copy of whatever records you have for me,' " Yee said. Arton Sadiku, the 19-year-old who escaped Kosovo with his teenage brother and sister in September, also was detained at the airport because authorities said his documents were forged, his brother said Thursday. When he learned two weeks ago that he was denied asylum, he became suicidal and so angry he threw food all over his cell, family members said. He had trouble explaining to the judge just how fearful he is of the Serbs, his family said. Meanwhile, he worries about his parents, left behind. He doesn't know if they are still alive. He also is worried about his brother and sister who, for unexplained reasons, were not detained, but were taken in by a sympathetic family in Waterbury, Conn. They can't stay there forever, and there is no money for them to live on their own. Sadiku calls his brother and sister every day. The two brothers cry openly. The sister, trying to be brave, shuts her bedroom door before she lets any tears fall. "They are all struggling," said Tuli Redzepi, who is helping the children. "They just say they don't understand why their brother is being treated like a criminal. They need their brother to be with them." - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - From: "Ivo Skoric" <ivo@reporters.net> Date: Fri, 2 Apr 1999 18:19:48 +0000 Subject: Bogdan Denitch's Letter and LA Times Op-Ed Dear Friends, I enclose the piece which being published in LA weekly today. (circulation 300,000 plus) a similar piece will be out in the Spring issue of Dissent. I guess I will not be welcome in Belgrade for a while whihc hurts since I do have family and above all friends and comrades there. I feel a little like "good" germans felt like before the beginning of the War. While very reluctantly supporting the air strikes until today the recent decsion to bomb places in downtown Belgrade I find shocking and above all stupid. 1) I do not know why the NATO chiefs seem to feel that they must give Milosevic advance intelligence on their strategy and tactics. 2)There will unacceptable civilian dead since I do not believe in the vaunted accrace of precsion bombing, we were there once already. 3) We (the US and NATO) keep building up Milosevic and treating him as the central figure in the Balkans and redeamable figure needed for stability in the region. Instead of treating him as the major problem in the region. 4) There is still no carrot to accompany the stick. We should be clear that the reward for a Serbia which signs the peace agreement and accepts the deployment of NATO + Russian troops will be rewarded by a return to OSCE and the end of economic sanctions at least. A seat in the Un should probably be in the package. This would give some motive for the army to overthrow Milosevic. 5) The democratic oposition is now all but dead for the time being. We must get help for the HARD oposition small as it is. It will now be a long slog, but the groups which have proved ok are the Vojvodina League of Social democrats, Women in Black, the Helsinki group and of course ToD, if they are not helped we will again complain that there is no one there to help. 6) I BELIEVE WE NEED TO ARGUE FOR GROUND TROOPS INSTEAD OF BOMBING BELGARDE. GROUND TROOPS WITHY LIMITED AIM OF ESTABLISHING A SAFETY ZONE TO PROTECT THE CIVBIKIANS IN AT LEAST A GOOD PART OF KOSOVO. THAT WOULD NOT TAKE HUGE AMOUNTS OF TROOPS....BUT WE SHOULD BE CLEAR THAT THERE IS NO EASY TECHNOLOGICAL FIX. THERE WILL BE US SOLDIERS KILLED, JUST LIKE ALLIED SOLDIERS HAVE DIED IN BOSNIA. I WOULD DEMAND A COMPLETE CEASE FIRE AS A CONDITION OF A STOP TO AIR STRIKES. HOWEVER, I REPEAT NO BOMBING OF BELGRADE OR THE CITIES. AND FOR GOD'S SAKE CAN WE HAVE A WHITE HOUSE WHICH DOES NOT DO EVERTHING ON THE BASIS OF POLLS. So much for those who are interested . I feel terrible, friends and family are involved but also because my people ( ah that old kith and kin) are involved in mass murder and ethnic clean sing. Please let me know what you think... Bogdan (212) 475 8570 Why does NATO make sure that the ministries will be empty before it hits. Do they only want civilian victims? >>>>I agree with Bogdan completely on this one: why the U.S. gives the targeting information to Milosevic in advance? This is a very strange military doctrine. I understand that it comes from arrogance of a superpower. The problem is that it does not bring the victory home, and therefore it obviously sucks. ivo ------- Forwarded Message Follows ------- News Issue #19 Filename: 19kosovo.doc Edit: Harold Word count: 1750 @Hed = @Sub = @Byline = BY BOGDAN DENITCH @Firstpar = Sometimes, the media-conveyed stereotypes are right. Kosovo is a tragedy, many times over. It is now the site of horrible ethnic "cleansing," in which huge numbers of the majority Albanian population of Kosovo are being driven into exile into Albania, Macedonia and Montenegro. The scenario is already familiar from the Yugoslav Wars of Succession of 1991 to 1995, in which the ethnic maps of Bosnia and Croatia were redrawn with great brutality. This was a process initially carried out by the Serbs, under the leadership of their president, Slobodan Milosevic, in attacks on Croatia and Bosnia that employed both the Yugoslav army and the murderous volunteer militias. Milosevic was soon lustily joined by the Croatian strongman Franjo Tudjman, who carried out large forced movements of "undesired" populations when his own turn came. The Bosnian Moslems - the weakest of the Yugoslav groups -committed the fewest such crimes. By the time the 1995 Dayton peace agreement was rammed through - only following massive air strikes against the Serb forces in Bosnia - there were a quarter million dead and 3.5 million refugees. Ethnic cleansing, we must understand, was not - and is not - a side effect of the Yugoslav wars. It was - and is - their primary purpose. Despite the provisions of the Dayton agreement that provide for their return, most refugees have not been able to go back. Most probably never will. Ethnic cleansing creates the "new facts on the ground" that treaties cannot easily overturn. Today, ethnic cleansing is being massively applied in Kosovo. This action is being carried out by the combined efforts of the Serbian army, police and the death squads of the "Tigers," a volunteer militia already notorious for its war crimes in Bosnia and Croatia. Men are separated from their families and shot or sent off to camps, the houses are systematically looted, the villages burned. At the border, just before they flee Kosovo, the refugees are robbed once more, and their passports, identification papers and automobile license plates taken from them. This makes any future return more difficult. (The Serbs have learned this from the Croats, who make it impossible for Serbian refugees from Croatia even to begin the torturous process of returning without proper papers.) In the meantime a massive manhunt against Kosovo Albanian civic leaders, journalists, lawyers, doctors, human rights workers and politicians is providing a grisly daily list of victims. These include one of the major peace Albanian negotiators and the head of the local clinic. Those who could have gone underground. The dead include my personal friends. @Firstpar = The gamble that Milosevic would back down after the first NATO air strikes has plainly failed. Instead, he has solidified his support among the Serbs, already badly infected with a national chauvinism that thrives on arcane conspiracy theories which explain how the whole world - but most especially the Vatican, the Soros Foundation, the Trilateral Commission, Free Masons and Islamic Fundamentalism - all plot against plucky little Serbia. Their allies, in this fantasy world, are North Korea, Iraq, Libya, Byelo-Russia and, of course, Russia itself. It has not helped the Serbian situation that its democratic opposition has been badly divided, or that some oppositionists have not been so innocent of nationalism themselves. Even less helpfully, the U.S. and the West have always given scandalously little assistance or encouragement to that democratic opposition - preferring, on balance, to deal with Milosevic who, his bloodstained hands aside, was seen as a sensible chap who would be a force for stability in the region. We should remember the endless parade of Western European and U.S. officials trooping through Belgrade, cajoling and pleading with good old Slobo, over many a glass of whiskey, to just be sensible. Perversely, U.S. and the West Europeans thus helped convince this Balkan tinpot that he was a central factor for peace and stability in the region. They also futher demoralized an already vulnerable opposition. A similar dynamic is apparent in our policy toward Kosovo. Through an historical accident the Kosovo Albanians accepted the leadership of Ibrahim Rugova after their autonomy was abolished by Belgrade. Rugova was a unique phenomenon in the Balkans, heading up a massive, disciplined nonviolent resistance to Serbian rule for almost a decade - in a region where every house had firearms and where blood feuds had persisted for centuries. Rugova did not manage to move the Serbian regime, however, nor did he manage to get real support from the West. He was not even invited to the Dayton Peace negotiations. The lesson was learned by the younger Albanians: if you want attention, take up arms. Independence and even autonomy is bought with blood, not through nonviolence or negotiations - at least in a Yugoslavia run by Milosevic. The Kosovo Army of Liberation (KLA) that has arisen in the Kosovo Albanian community as a result of this process has no visible democratic credentials, and I would not gamble on their leaders' tolerance towards the Serbian minority if they win this war. They will want to settle some outstanding accounts. But then, democracy has always been the excluded option in the Yugoslav policies of the West - rather than a policy of substantial aid to the democratic opposition, and of helping remove Milosevic and Tudjman, his opposite number in Croatia. Only that policy could provide a chance for decent, stable and democratic settlement in the area. But the U.S. has always preferred stability to democracy, even if, as in Milosevic's case, it is false stability. The U.S. chose to gamble on Milosevic, and when that failed, gambled further that he was bluffing and would back down after a few air strikes. @Firstpar = The assaults on the Kosovo Albanians have now greatly increased following the NATO air attacks on Yugoslavia. This dramatically poses two urgent questions: First, what are limits of air power? And second, if the purpose of the air attacks was to prevent the massive killing and exiling of Albanians, what do NATO and the U.S. do now? It is essential to remember, now when there are repeated calls to stop the bombing and resume diplomacy, that during the last diplomatic talks Serbian repression in Kosovo actually increased, the universities were gutted of their autonomy and the independent press was all but eliminated with savage fines. Milosevic has shown he can negotiate forever, while continuing his nationalist aggression. It was the failure of the last round of negotiations, under such circumstances, that brought the West to the policy of bombing. So what now? Does the Clinton administration back down, permitting a genocidal massacre to continue to unfold? Or do the U.S. and NATO get into a ground war as the only way to provide a measure of protection for the Albanian civilians in Kosovo? And if they do wage a ground war against the Yugoslav Army and its auxiliaries - a costly and therefore domestically unpopular ground war - how do they avoid becoming de facto allies of the KLA and its nationalist hard men? The KLA's stated aim is, at minimum, the complete independence of Kosovo - something which the West Europeans, the U.S. and most especially the countries on Kosovo's borders see as hugely destabilizing for the entire Balkan region. An independent Kosovo is a nightmare for neighboring Macedonia, with its own Albanian minority of between 30 and 35 percent. Then there is the 10 percent Albanian minority in Montenegro. As for Albania proper, it may be a failed state which is in shambles, with a lower living standard that the Albanians in Kosovo and Macedonia, but it is nonetheless home to more than half the entire Albanian population of some six million. That alone makes it attractive to romantic ethnic nationalists, and ethnic nationalism never has a strong affinity for political realism. Albanian unity, or the dream of Great Albania, is not only a nightmare for neighboring states, but also for all who worry about stability in the Balkans. What follows from all this are four policy conclusions. Beginning with the long-range goals: First, Washington must finally accept that Milosevic's ham-fisted regime remains the single greatest destabilizing factor in the region, and must concomitantly shift its commitment to the democratic opposition in Yugoslavia. Second, given the proclivities of both the KLA and the Serbian forces, no peace settlement in Kosovo is possible without the presence of ground troops to enforce it. These should be NATO forces, but should also include Russian troops as a way to try to heal the breach between NATO and Russia. Third, no real negotiations are possible, however, without a complete cease fire by the Serb armed forces in Kosovo and their withdrawal from the province. The refugees must be allowed immediate return. If the Serb leaders have any sense at all, they will realize that only NATO troops can, after all this carnage, provide protection for the Serbian minority and disarm the KLA. And the KLA needs to be substantially disarmed - not least, to permit some kind of normal political life for the Kosovo Albanians who are not necessarily members of the KLA. Absent that, the men with guns will rule. And fourth - and here I come to the hardest part - should those who want to see a just peace in former Yugoslavia call for an immediate stop to the NATO air attacks? My answer - and it is doubly hard, since I have relatives, friends and comrades with whom I have worked for decades still living there - is that the bombing should only be stopped by a a Serbian agreement to a cease fire in Kosovo, and by the withdrawal of their armed forces. NATO ground forces may well be required to secure these goals and to create (or recreate) a safe haven for Kosovan Albanians in Kosovo. Otherwise, the massive killing and the exiling of Kosovo's majority population will only continue. (And to those who argue that the U.S. did not intervene in Rwanda and Burundi to stop the genocidal massacres there, my response is: It should have - and it still has the opportunity to stop such massacres in Kosovo.) Kosovo today presents us with no easy or palatable options. But should NATO stop the bombing without first having secured a cease-fire and a Serbian withdrawal, Milosevic wins - and we will witness one of the most massive and brutal ethnic cleansings since World War II. @LA= Bogdan Denitch is director of the Institute for Transitions to Democracy, a human-rights organization operating in Croatia, Serbia and Bosnia since 1990, and author of Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia and numerous other works. -----Original Message----- From: Bogdan Denitch [mailto:ttd@igc.org] Sent: Monday, March 29, 1999 9:28 PM To: hmeyerson@laweekly.com Subject: Let me know if you get this ok --- # distributed via nettime-l : no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a closed moderated mailinglist for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: majordomo@desk.nl and "info nettime-l" in the msg body # URL: http://www.desk.nl/~nettime/ contact: nettime-owner@desk.nl