ricardo dominguez on Fri, 6 Feb 1998 19:20:12 +0100 (MET) |
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<nettime> Mexico rebel supporters hack government home page + an EZLN note |
Mexico rebel supporters hack government home page MEXICO CITY, Feb 4 Experts at virtual war, supporters of Mexico's Zapatista rebels have hacked into a government home page on the Internet and defaced it with anti-government propaganda. The home page for Mexico's Finance Ministry (http://www.shcp.gob.mx) appeared on Wednesday plastered with pictures of the rebels' revolutionary namesake Emiliano Zapata. ``We're watching you, big brother!'' one part of the message read in an ironic reversal of George Orwell's famous phrase warning of government excess. The phrase ``X-ploit'' appeared beneath a giant yellow face. A ``parental advisory'' sticker similar to those found on explicit rock-and-roll records was pasted nearby. Officials at the ministry could not be reached for comment. ``We belong to no group, we do not belong to the Zapatista Army for National Liberation, but we are expressing our free expression as Mexicans,'' said the message, followed by the sign-off ``Zapatista Army for National Liberation.'' The Zapatistas, who launched a brief rebellion in early 1994, pioneered use of the Internet by a guerrilla group, creating a home page to encourage international support. The page can be found on http://www.ezln.org. ____ ZAPATISTA ARMY OF NATIONAL LIBERATION MEXICO JANUARY 29, 1998 TO NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL CIVIL SOCIETY: TO HONEST SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS IN MEXICO AND THE WORLD: BROTHERS AND SISTERS: We had thought it would be enough to issue a communique where we could respond to what is being said and done by the Mexican government in Chiapas. We had thought it would be sufficient to write something which reflected our discontent about the government's persistence in using double language, something which once again will disrobe the inconsistencies between their discourse of "peace" and the harassment and military advancement again the communities and mountains of the Mexican Southeast. That is what we had thought, but then we saw the military airplane and the war tanks rambling ostentatiously and arrogantly through our villages, as though to say "this is the answer to your demands, look at me, hear me, you are trapped, surrender." We saw the airplane and the tanks and we understood that that is what they want. They want us to speak only to them, that we forget you, that we get into their game of "give and take". They want only bitter answers to their mockery, answers which allow them to say: "you see, the EZLN does not want dialogue, it is using the conflict to its advantage, they are intransigent, do not believe them when they say they struggle for democracy, liberty and justice, all they want is Power and to continue to provoke instability." So the airplane and the tanks made us understand that they wanted us to strip our word of value and quality, that we exchange epithets, that we tire you with our accusations and repeated warnings that the government is deceiving you. They do not want us to explain ourselves nor to make ourselves heard. That is why we decided to let you know our thinking and our position through this letter. As you can see, this letter is not only for civil society, now it also includes political society. We know that there are many political organizations in Mexico and in the world, some of which are now governments, which have an honest approach, respectful and accountable to the significance of the Zapatista demands. So we salute all those who try to give politics the renovation which it needs. At any rate now that it is clear why we address you, we give you our word. The strategy of the government attempts to make public opinion transpose the illegitimacy and lack of credibility of the government to everyone else. The actual strategy seeks the skepticism of all the actors and positions, neutralizes intellectuals and artists, independent politicians, social organizations, organized civil society, and the "ordinary" citizen. The speech of Mister Ernesto Zedillo in Yucatan for example was, above all the point of departure of a new flood of declarations and ultimatums. There are three basic spokes of this government line. 1. The re-negotiation of the San Andres Agreements - The government position towards the San Andres Agreements is very clear: they will not fulfill them. The discussion about whether the first or the second Cocopa initiative will be the "basis of negotiation" (Didn't the Cocopa swear and declare that it would not negotiate the agreements because it was not appropriate to their coadjutant role?), is only a government sophistry. To carry out what has been signed and acknowledge the indigenous right to be different, are some of the things to which "the federal government does not agree" and which, of course, do not even appear in the Yucatan speech, nor in the paid full-page ads. Behind the strategy in which Labastida wants to enmesh the Cocopa and the Conai, is the attempt to delay a solution to the conflict. It pretends for example, that the Cocopa serve as a messenger for communication with the EZLN through the Conai. Isn't it excessive to pretend that a legislative commission from the Mexican Congress (which represents 5 national political parties) serve only as a mes senger between the government and the Conai? Is that the role of the coadjutant now? Our position in terms of the Agreements is the same. We do not want "everything", all we want is that the government fulfill what it has signed and is public knowledge. All we want is for the Cocopa to keep its word and defend its initiative. All we want is that indigenous rights become law and reality. Thousands of voices in Mexico and the world have supported, throughout an entire year, the legal initiative of the Cocopa. This proposal no longer just belongs to the legislators. Today there are thousands who are willing to defend it. 2. The use of force to resolve the conflict - Zedillo says that the government has not used nor will it use force to attempt to resolve the conflict in Chiapas. What about the treachery of February 9th of 1995? Wasn't it the use of force which broke the dialogue it sustained with us? (through then-Justice Minister Esteban Moctezuma Barragan). Weren't there thousands of soldiers who attacked i ndigenous communities in their attempt to capture the leadership of the EZLN? Is it not true, that even today the indigenous of Guadalupe Tepeyac live in exile because their village is a mix of barracks, whorehouse and bar for federal troops? Was it not the use of force that took dozens of citizens prisoners because their crime was that they were Zapatistas? The government "has not used nor will it use force" to resolve the conflict in Chiapas? What is all the preparation, training and activation of paramilitary squads for then? (At least 12 says the PGR). Wasn't the massacre of Acteal a demonstration of the will for dialogue and negotiation of the Mexican government? And what about the persecution of Zapatistas since January 1 of 1998 sustained by the federal army which "carries out orders of the commander in chief" (Zedillo)? Is this another act of military distension? When all is done, the history of the regime of Zedillo is the history of the word which was not kept. Those military planes which conduct "diving" maneuvers over indigenous communities in the jungle, what is their word? Without any legitimacy, the government has at its side only the power of force. On our side is history, reason and truth. The demands of the Indian peoples are supported by these three forces, only the law is missing to do justice to them, but it is clear that force will do all that is possible to scam away the cover of law to rights demanded by history, based in reason and animated by truth. The law, if not accompanied by history, if not constructed by reason and fortified by the truth, finally provokes that which it seeks to avoid: violent rebellion. 3. The attack against different national and international actors who seek a peaceful solution with justice and dignity.- Using the conflict in Chiapas for his political whims, Zedillo attempts to renew his dispute with the PRD, with national and international NGO's, and with all those who no longer believe nor support (in other words, the immense majority of Mexicans). With words and applause b ought beforehand, the government tries to hide, once again, its responsibility in the massacre of Acteal. There will be an attempt to bury the blood of 45 indigenous under the "re-negotiation" of the Cocopa initiative. Meanwhile, on the ground of Acteal, 45 crosses warn that today's amnesia will renew itself in worse sorrow tomorrow. "In order to cover a scandalous crime, another scandal must be perpetrated" is the fascist slogan which is now religious creed in the Mexican federal cabinet. Zedillo also takes advantage of Yucatan to spew a nationalism which, sounds false and hollow, especially on him and whoever accompanies him. He who dedicates himself to squandering in the exterior the rich lands of the Mexican southeast, he who continues with an authentic campaign of extermination of indigenous people because they "have no place in modern globalization" and will "end up disappear ing anyway": he who has not stopped attacking entities of mediation and intercession , and who complains about foreign intervention and whomever tries international mediation in the conflict. Zedillo should abandon his paternalistic and authoritarian tone and recognize, and accept, that the immense majority of Mexicans still want the San Andres agreements to be fulfilled (without any scam) and do not agree that force be used to resolve the conflict. The government discourse has perhaps managed to confuse some. But, for how long? This new lie which they pile up in the national consciousness, how long will it last? What other crime or tragedy will bring it down again? The most serious problem is not Chiapas, or San Andres, or Acteal, or the fall of oil prices, or the devaluation, or the financial crisis in Asia. The fundamental problem is a government without legitimacy, without credibility. It would be unjust to say that Chiapas alone has contributed to the government's discredit. It is enough to review, with a minimum of independence and critical spirit, the three years of Zedillo's administration in order to conclude that the regime has not only provoked and revived political, economic and social crises even religious ones, but it also lies so repeatedly it borders on stupidity. A nd he who lies and lies again, can only expect to lose credibility. We, the Zapatistas, do not believe the government when it speaks of peace. We know that millions of human beings, in Mexico and in the world, do not believe it either. It has earned its discredit, and obviously it can only change this with acts of peace and not with useless and senseless words which fill columns and screens on the media, but continue to leave the hearts and mind of Mexicans empty. It doesn't matter whether these Mexicans matter to this government. In any case, it is they who matter to us and we count every man and every woman. Our acts are of peace and a disposition to a political solution. We continue to wait for real demonstrations of political will, but we continue to see the inclination to ignore what has been signed, and we continue to suffer assassinations, persecution and jail. We are not asking for anything the government has not signed. The San Andres Agreements are only a part of what justly belongs to the Indian peoples of this country called Mexico, which has a history of a struggle with dignity, and because of such, will conquer its democracy, its liberty and its independence which appear easy, but which, reality has shown, are quite costly. It doesn't matter the cost will be paid with punctuality. Vale. Health and do not allow cynicism to make you a prisoner, after that will come, inevitably, a faltering. >From the still-besieged mountains of the Mexican southeast. By the Indigenous Revolutionary Clandestine Committee General Command Zapatista Army of National Liberation Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos Mexico, January of 1998. --- # distributed via nettime-l : no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a closed moderated mailinglist for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: majordomo@icf.de and "info nettime" in the msg body # URL: http://www.desk.nl/~nettime/ contact: nettime-owner@icf.de