Andre Rebentisch via nettime-l on Sun, 17 Nov 2024 15:22:53 +0100 (CET)
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Re: <nettime> the great re-alignment
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- To: nettime-l@lists.nettime.org
- Subject: Re: <nettime> the great re-alignment
- From: Andre Rebentisch via nettime-l <nettime-l@lists.nettime.org>
- Date: Sun, 17 Nov 2024 15:22:30 +0100
- Cc: Andre Rebentisch <tabesin@gmail.com>
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Trade policy is about mutual *export* interests. So these negotiations
always favour exporting sectors of the economy at the expense of sectors
challenged by imports.
Which means for the EU that trade sensitivities in the digital services
sector discouraged competition policy etc. to unfold.
Protectionist policies that others, e.g. China, applied in the digital
field are options that counter the spirit.
In any case the EU concept of Competitiveness-driven industrial policy
is a dead parrot as the recent Draghi report demonstrated.
The US under Trump would challenge and disrupt the trade order. I
dispute it would be a wise move, at least according to conventional
wisdom of economists.
/A
Am 09.11.24 um 00:34 schrieb Brian Holmes via nettime-l:
However, "liberal" has a double meaning, because
in addition to its proposal of freedom under law it also refers to the
kinds of global free trade regimes operated in particular by the British
across the long nineteenth century, then by the Americans after WWII. Here,
freedom is conceived as free trade, and its benefits disproportionately
accrue to the largest players, who have historically used their wealth to
build up large armies and violently suppress any collective actor seeking
("unfairly," according to the liberals) to change the fundamental terms of
trade. Thus, liberal internationalist regimes have tended to collapse due
to conflicts over power disparities..
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