Prem Chandavarkar on Tue, 13 Mar 2018 05:52:38 +0100 (CET) |
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Re: <nettime> Shree Paradkar: When will there be a film on Winston Churchill, the barbaric monster with the blood of millions on his hands? (Toronto Star) |
In a similar vein: In Winston
Churchill, Hollywood Rewards a Mass Murderer Shashi
Tharoor Shashi Tharoor is author of “Inglorious
Empire: What the British Did to India.” He chairs the Indian
Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee. “History,” Winston Churchill said, “will be kind to me, for I intend to
write it myself.” He needn’t have bothered. He was one of the great mass
murderers of the 20th century, yet is the only one, unlike Hitler and
Stalin, to have escaped historical odium in the West. He has been crowned with
a Nobel Prize (for literature, no less), and now, an actor portraying him (Gary
Oldman) has been awarded an Oscar. As Hollywood confirms,
Churchill’s reputation (as what Harold Evans has called “the British Lionheart on the ramparts
of civilization”) rests almost entirely on his stirring rhetoric and his talent
for a fine phrase during World War II. “We shall not flag nor fail. We shall go
on to the end. … We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing
grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets. … We shall never
surrender.” (The revisionist British historian John Charmley dismissed this as
“sublime nonsense.”) Words, in the end, are all that
Churchill admirers can point to. His actions are another matter altogether. During World War II, Churchill declared himself in favor of “terror bombing.” He wrote
that he wanted “absolutely devastating, exterminating attacks by very heavy
bombers.” Horrors such as the firebombing of Dresden were the result. In the fight for Irish
independence, Churchill, in his capacity as secretary of state for war and air,
was one of the few British officials in favor of bombing Irish protesters,
suggesting in 1920 that airplanes should use “machine-gun fire or bombs” to scatter them. Dealing with unrest in Mesopotamia in 1921, as secretary of
state for the colonies, Churchill acted as a war criminal: “I am strongly
in favour of using poisoned gas against the uncivilised tribes; it would spread a
lively terror.” He ordered large-scale bombing of Mesopotamia, with an entire
village wiped out in 45 minutes. In Afghanistan, Churchill declared that
the Pashtuns “needed to recognise the superiority of [the British] race” and
that “all who resist will be killed without quarter.” He wrote: “We proceeded systematically, village
by village, and we destroyed the houses, filled up the wells, blew down the
towers, cut down the great shady trees, burned the crops and broke the
reservoirs in punitive devastation. … Every tribesman caught was speared or cut
down at once.” In Kenya, Churchill either
directed or was complicit in policies involving the forced relocation of local
people from the fertile highlands to make way for white colonial settlers and
the forcing of more than 150,000 people into concentration camps. Rape,
castration, lit cigarettes on tender spots, and electric shocks were all used
by the British authorities to torture Kenyans under Churchill’s rule. But the principal victims of
Winston Churchill were the Indians — “a beastly people with a beastly
religion,” as he charmingly
called them. He wanted to use chemical weapons in India but was shot
down by his cabinet colleagues, whom he criticized for their “squeamishness,”
declaring that “the objections of the India Office to the use of gas against
natives are unreasonable.” Churchill’s beatification as an
apostle of freedom seems all the more preposterous given his 1941 declaration
that the Atlantic Charter’s principles would not apply to India and the colored
colonies. He refused to see people of color as entitled to the
same rights as himself. “Gandhi-ism and all it stands for,” he declared, “will, sooner or later, have to be
grappled with and finally crushed.” In such matters, Churchill was
the most reactionary of Englishmen, with views so extreme they cannot be
excused as being reflective of their times. Even his own secretary of state for
India, Leopold Amery, confessed that he could see very little difference between Churchill’s attitude and Adolf
Hitler’s. Thanks to Churchill, some 4
million Bengalis starved to death in a 1943 famine. Churchill ordered the
diversion of food from starving Indian civilians to well-supplied British
soldiers and even to top up European stockpiles in Greece and elsewhere. When
reminded of the suffering of his Indian victims, his response was that the
famine was their own fault, he said, for “breeding like rabbits.” Madhusree Mukerjee’s searing
account of Churchill’s role in the Bengal famine, “Churchill’s Secret War,”
documents that while Indians starved, prices for foodgrains were inflated by
British purchases and India’s own surplus grains were exported, while
Australian ships laden with wheat were not allowed to unload their cargo at
Calcutta (where the bodies of those who had died of starvation littered the
streets). Instead, Churchill ordered that grain be shipped to storage depots in
the Mediterranean and the Balkans to increase the buffer stocks for a possible
future invasion of Greece and Yugoslavia. European warehouses filled up as
Bengalis died. This week’s Oscar rewards yet
another hagiography of this odious man. To the Iraqis whom Churchill advocated
gassing, the Greek protesters on the streets of Athens
who were mowed down on Churchill’s orders in 1944, sundry
Pashtuns and Irish, as well as to Indians like myself, it will always be a
mystery why a few bombastic speeches have been enough to wash the bloodstains
off Churchill’s racist hands. Many of us will remember
Churchill as a war criminal and an enemy of decency and humanity, a blinkered
imperialist untroubled by the oppression of non-white peoples. Ultimately, his
great failure — his long darkest hour — was his constant effort to deny us
freedom.
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