nettime's_open_mic on Tue, 10 Feb 2015 15:38:12 +0100 (CET) |
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<nettime> The Economist on Hungary: Curse like an oligarch |
<http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21642647-countrys-biggest-media-mogul-turns-against-viktor-orban-no-uncertain-terms-how-cuss> Curse like an oligarch The country's biggest media mogul turns against Viktor Orban, in no uncertain terms Feb 9th 2015 HUNGARIANS possess a rich vocabulary of swear words and curses, many involving imaginative connections between relatives, their bodily orifices and farmyard animals. But even by local standards, the invective that Hungary's most powerful businessman has unleashed over the past few days towards his country's prime minister is exceptional. In an interview on Friday with index.hu, a news website, Lajos Simicska, a former university roommate of Viktor Orban (pictured) and one of his closest allies for the past thirty years, called the prime minister a _geci_, one of the worst insults in the Magyar lexicon. The literal translation of _geci_ is "sperm", but even that English term fails to convey the Hungarian word's connotations of disdain. Beyond the colourful language, the spat is the most serious break yet in Mr Orban's governing Fidesz party, which despite winning a two-thirds majority of the seats in the most recent elections has begun to show signs of strain. Until recently Mr Simicska was one of the most reclusive businessmen in Hungary. He was once Fidesz's financial mastermind, and served as head of the Hungarian Tax Authority under the first Fidesz government in the late 1990s. Kozgep, his massive holding company, has profited handsomely from government contracts. Mr Simicska's interests include construction, energy and the media. The Sopranos-esque flavour of business in these circles comes across in an obscenity-laden interview Mr Simicska gave last week to Hir24, a news website (translation here). ("So you can end up dead at the end of this conflict?" the interviewer asks. "Of course," the oligarch replies. "They kill me, shoot me or I fall under a car.") The immediate trigger for his fury was the government's statement that it plans to introduce a flat 5% tax on advertising. The new tax would replace an earlier advertising tax featuring progressive rates depending on the media organisation's income, which the government was forced to withdraw after opposition from the European Commission. The progressive tax was sharply criticised by RTL Klub, a private television channel owned by Luxembourg-based RTL, which claimed it was aimed at forcing foreign-based outlets that had been critical of Fidesz to leave Hungary. The prospect of a flat 5% tax rate infuriated Mr Simicska, but the editors who run his media outlets failed to follow the new course. Immediately after Mr Simicska said he was declaring war on Fidesz, a slate of senior executives from media organisations he controls -- including Magyar Nemzet, a conservative newspaper, Lánchíd Radio and Hír television -- resigned. The split between Mr Simicska and Mr Orban is rooted in the question of whether business or politics will have primacy in the Fidesz-dominated political order, according to Akos Balogh of Mandiner.hu, an independent conservative blog. The Fidesz leadership has long worried that Mr Simicska was becoming too powerful, and began limiting his influence on government over a year ago, removing his allies from key positions in administration and state-owned companies. The process accelerated after the 2014 election, when Fidesz won a two-thirds majority for the second time in a row, Mr Balogh says. "Simicska was the dominant oligarch of the 2010-2014 term and now it's over. Orban does not want to depend on any single business group." Unsurprisingly, the row between the former allies has delighted the Hungarian political opposition. Their euphoria will probably be short-lived. The government has maintained an icy silence in response to Mr Simicska's outbursts, and by Monday morning, the oligarch appeared to be backtracking. A story in Magyar Nemzet claimed Mr Simicska had been criticising the politics of the prime minister and his advisers, not Mr Orban himself. However grammatically implausible, such denials may signal that the political waters are calming. If Hungary's opposition expects to gain traction against Fidesz, it will probably need better ideas and leadership, rather than hoping for another foul-mouthed outburst from Mr Simicksa.
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