Benjamin Geer on Wed, 23 Aug 2006 02:40:11 +0200 (CEST) |
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Re: <nettime> Peace-for-War |
On 22/08/06, Alex Foti <alex.foti@gmail.com> wrote: > But only if we > construct a sufficiently shared narrative on the parable of capitalism > and communism in the 20th century, and especially on the exhaustion of > neoliberalism at end of the century, can we create the bases for that > new radical, secular, cosmopolitan, ecological, transethnic, > multigendered culture that can give new thrust to movements, fight war > and rebuild the world. Napoleon attempted unsuccessfully to export his version of the Enlightenment to the Middle East via his invasion of Egypt in 1798: "The revolutionary modernity expressed by [Napoleon's] Egyptian expedition was completely rejected by the Muslim world, which saw it above all as a militant atheism, hostile to all religions."[1] During the 19th century, Muslim intellectuals nevertheless appropriated Enlightenment thought and integrated it with Islamic thought, both in order to understand how their societies could catch up with Europe in terms of industry, military achievements and standard of living, and to understand how they could resist being dominated by Europe.[2] Correspondences between European and Islamic thought became commonplace. The Islamic concept of "shura" (consultation) was identified with democracy.[3] Ottoman constitutionalist reforms, though based on European ideas, were justified in terms of Islamic law. A belief in the progressive character of ethnic nationalism was a key aspect of European political ideology, and European states went to great lengths to introduce and promote this concept in the Ottoman empire and to help emergent nationalisms gain political independence. This was also of course a means of increasing European influence in the region.[4] In the first half of the 20th century, Europe was widely seen as applying a double standard: proclaiming the universality of Enlightenment ideas such as self-rule, but not allowing its colonies to enjoy the benefits of those ideas. Independence movements were aimed mainly at eliminating this double standard in order to establish independent European-style liberal democracies. After formal independence was attained, however, it became clear that economic independence was much more difficult to achieve. Socialist ideas, another product of European humanism, gained some influence in the Middle East (particularly Lenin's account of imperialism), and some states developed ties with the Soviet Union, or took advantage of rivalries between the US and the USSR in order to increase their political autonomy, while nationalising their industries and adopting a policy of import substitution. However, import substitution turned out to be unsustainable,[5] and dependence on Soviet protection turned out to be another form of foreign domination.[6] Meanwhile, the masses welcomed the benefits of modern technology, but remained attached to their traditional Islamic culture, which seemed to be sidelined, deprived of its central role in regulating society, its place taken by a Western liberalism that brought painful economic upheavals and continued Western domination. Islamist movements gained popularity by arguing that both capitalism and socialism had failed in the Middle East, and that the only way to gain true independence was to revive the original, true values of Islam, in order to create a new form of modernity.[7] That dream is alive and well, as the popularity of Hizballah demonstrates. At the moment, it seems unlikely to me that any secular movement can gain widespread popular support in the Middle East. The ideologies that currently seem most likely to rebuild this part of the world are Islamist ones. If you want to create a new global political culture, I suggest thinking seriously about the role Islam could play in that culture. Ben [1] Henry Laurens, _L'Orient Arabe: Arabisme et islamisme de 1798 a 1945_ (Paris: Armand Colin, 2004), pp. 40-45. [2] Albert Hourani, _Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939_ (Cambridge University Press, 1983). [3] Maxime Rodinson, "Rapports entre Islam et communisme", in _Marxisme et monde musulman_ (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1972), pp. 130-180. [4] Henry Laurens, op. cit. [5] Henry Laurens, _Paix et guerre au Moyen-Orient: L'orient arabe et le monde de 1945 a nos jours, second =E9dition (Paris: Armand Colin, 2005) pp. 206-207. [6] Maxime Rodinson's article "Les probl=E8mes des partis communistes en Syrie et en Egypte", in _Marxisme et monde musulman_ (pp. 412-449) contains many interesting observations on the relationships that developed between the Kremlin and its clients in the Middle East, and between Marxist and Islamic ideologies. [7] Fran=E7ois Burgat, _L'Islamisme en face_. Paris, La D=E9couverte 2002. # distributed via <nettime>: no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a moderated mailing list for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: majordomo@bbs.thing.net and "info nettime-l" in the msg body # archive: http://www.nettime.org contact: nettime@bbs.thing.net