brian.holmes@wanadoo.fr on Tue, 31 Jan 2006 10:31:07 +0100 (CET) |
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Re: <nettime> Diminishing Freedoms |
David Garcia refers directly to me, in his text about an emerging dispute between activist and artistic practices: > The theorist and activist Brian Holmes described the origins of this > dichotomy succinctly as going (at least) as far back as the cultural > politics of the 1960s. He describes a split "between the traditional > working-class concern for social justice and the New Left concern for > individual emancipation and full recognition and expression of > particular identities" According to this account corporate > foundations and think tanks of the 80s and 90s have succeeded in > inculcating market-oriented variations on earlier counter-cultural > values rendering the interventions of artists (including tactical > media makers) profoundly if unwittingly, de-politicising. Holmes goes > on to describe (or assert, I am not quite sure which) a critique in > which "the narcisstic exploration of self, sexuality and identity > become the leitmotif of bourgeois urban culture. Artistic freedom and > artistic license have led, in effect, to the neo-liberalization of > culture. The puritanical and authoritarian tone of this analysis is > just a little unnerving. At the very least this tendency could lead > to a crass and oppressive philistinism and might signal far worse to > come. Garcia misquotes and misinterprets me pretty deeply, in what's otherwise a good article. See my original text, and particularly the questions I ask about culture and politics, at http://www.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l-0510/msg00005.html. But it doesn't matter, it's just a mistake and the whole subject is worth going back to anyway. The sentence that Garcia can't swallow (the one about the narcissistic exploration of self, identity and sexuality) was written in fact by another David: David Harvey, in his book, A Brief History of Neoliberalism. In my review of that book, I quoted a long passage where Harvey recounts the bankruptcy of New York in 1975 and how the city and its culture were subsequently reshaped in the context of financially driven globalization. I was interested in two things. First, a fresh analysis, within a specific urban framework, of the way that cultural and intellectual practices were broadly neutralized by turning them into commodities in an economy of images and signs (a process which at the same time transforms a growing mass of artists and intellectuals into the economically interested producers of those same commodities). And second, I was interested in the limits of exactly that same analysis. Things have only gotten worse since 1975, and new problems have arisen. While reading Irving Kristol's book, Neoconservatism, The Autobiography of an Idea, I was struck by the Kristol's fierce rejection of a 60s counterculture that he equated with a Nietzschean transvaluation of all values. I thought: Can I do without that counterculture, without that Nietzschean aspiration to destroy old values and recreate new ones? The answer was, I couldn't. For someone like myself, the only viable option is to pursue a radically experimental work on the self and society, expressed by signs and materials in their rupture with history. In other words, I need something like vanguard art (only I think you can call it post-vanguard art, because these practices have gone far beyond their old limits). I wanted to conclude my review on Harvey's strong analysis of the subservience of art to finance in the neoliberal economy, and at the same time, I wanted to question the Marxist reflex that would reach back to a supposedly clearer and truer world of working class culture and militantism that the new middle class media culture is said to simply obscure and distort. The problem, as Garcia shows throughout his own text, is that the contemporary cultural economy really does have a strong coopting and neutralizing capacity, which operates mainly through commercialization in the United States and mainly through selective social democratic patronage in Europe. The combined renewal of artistic and activist practices in the 90s really did require direct action, reclaiming the streets, as Garcia knows for having theorized such things while also participating in them. Now that the effectiveness of direct action has been blunted by increasing police pressure on the streets, as well as a general rise in the stakes of political conflict, we do (or at least I do) see the cultural institutions and even the commercial ones coming in to skim off the cream of tactical media representations, which aren't particularly threatening or destabilizing in the absence or decline of what they were supposed to represent. That's a real problem. I am sure plenty of activists are suspicious of me, for publishing and spouting off my mouth and participating in museum and festival debates. I'm even suspicious of me, to the point where I've deliberately gone back to translating, to make sure that I'm not tempted to write texts or do talks just for the payoff at the end. It's easy to get confused in a great big media machine that is also made (or at lest functions) to produce confusion. But what's mainly lacking, from my viewpoint, are not only audacious direct action stunts, and not only (though this is of course more important) forms of political engagement that can reach huge numbers of participants and give them an effective way to help change society. What's also missing are artworks that cut through the trendy flaky fashions, and go beyond the old modernist definitions of art for art's sake, to touch the core of the human quandry and help you transform your self and your relation to the others, at a moment when things go on getting worse and worse and worse. Garcia quotes Terry Eagleton to talk about how the women's movements totally changed politics, by making what appear as cultural issues inseparable from the economic ones. He could have drawn his examples (and probably would have, if he'd been here) from the 6th World Social Forum in Caracas, where you could see and hear and feel, in almost every talk and study session and activist planning round, that the old ways of doing politics have changed. Particularly, but not only, by the fact that women and indigenous people are participating everywhere, and often taking the most prominent roles. I did not see much cutting edge art at the social forum, certainly not in the concentrated forms that derive from the western tradition. But a strong point of the forum for me was the way that it put forth the irreducible presence of a plurality of cosmovisions. Yes, that's they say. And you could hear it, you could feel it. At one point, Maya and Qechua women completed a ceremony on stage in the context of a panel which was refusing the patenting of women's knowledge. In the Q and A that followed, one of the women said more or less this: "Our god is not up above in the sky. Our god is in the earth. It is in us. It is us." I had a kind of insight at that point, or maybe something I had learned from deconstruction finally made tangible sense to me. I realized that the whole Christian recovery and reinterpretation of Platonic idealism was inseparable from abstract, Cartesian, metaphysical, alienating representation. The spectacle society. The military surveillance grid. And I realized that what we were involved with was not that kind of representation. But there I go again talking again, spouting off. Who wants to make me feel guilty about it? While those women were performing their ritual, there was a TV cameraman crowding on the stage. It was so annoying, this guy crowding in on our intimacy. And then I remembered that this was being broadcast by the Bolivarian TV stations. The revolutionary TV stations. Like Catia TV, where I saw a fantastic montage-analysis of the way that the commercial TV channels had sought throughout the late nineties and early years of this decade to impose a reactionary reading on crucial events in the streets that have led, each time, to the continuation of the revolutionary project here in Venezuela. What you could see in action, on broadcast TV, was a critical and transformative kind of mass representation. At one point, on broadcast TV, they were showing an interview of an Italian guy from Telestreet, talking about the urgent situation in Italy where Berlusconi controls all the broadcast media. I like art. I like activism. While hanging out in Caracas, I would sift through my mail in cybercafes, like all the gringos and all the latinos. I get so many ads for high-class art and pseudo activist events put on by the European social democratic institutions. One mail said: Art's good for nothing, that's its whole necessity. The hackneyed French academic modernist version of elite vanguard art. Another mail said: If I can't dance I don't want to be part of your revolution. The happy-go-lucky disco Dutch populist version of activist cooptation. I admit it, at times I feel impatient and even angry about all that schlock. Philistinism? Well, sometimes I also just feel very very bored. best, Brian # distributed via <nettime>: no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a moderated mailing list for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: majordomo@bbs.thing.net and "info nettime-l" in the msg body # archive: http://www.nettime.org contact: nettime@bbs.thing.net