| drew hemment on Fri, 9 Jan 2004 18:23:20 +0100 (CET) |
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| <nettime> The Locative Dystopia |
During 2004 a number of international events will be looking at the
emerging field of locative media, commencing with MobiloTopia at
Transmediale.(1) One issue to be explored is the relationship between
the interventions of geo hackers or artists and mechanisms of
surveillance and control.
2004 opened with the cancellation of a number of commercial airline
flights at the bequest of the US administration. This serves as a
reminder of the mundane and arbitrary operation of power ("Its got to
the point where if there's anybody called Mohammed aboard, your
flight's got a problem" - senior airline source, quoted Guardian, 3
January 2004), and also of the renewed focus on surveillance and the
ability to accurately locate potential suspects.
This is an obsession shared by locative media, albeit in another name.
Locative media uses portable, networked, location aware computing
devices for user-led mapping and artistic interventions in which
geographical space becomes its canvas. The rhetoric of locative media
gestures to a utopian near-future in which the digital domain and
geographical space converge, and the course it plots towards this
future demands not only that data be made geographically specific but
also that the user - if not defined by their location - at least
offers up their location as a condition of entering the game. In this
respect, not to mention its choice of tools, locative media operates
upon the same plane as military tracking, State and commercial
surveillance, its concern for pinpointing and positioning shared with
coercive forms of social control, forcing a consideration of how
locative media might challenge, or be complicit with such forms of
social control, and of the point at which the locative utopia rubs up
against the dystopian fantasy of total control.
Much focus has been placed on new legislation introduced following
September 11 and its impact on civil liberties. But as organisations
such as Statewatch have commented, much of this legislation had been
proposed long in advance. And the question is not just how powers of
surveillance or political control have been extended, but of how the
nature of surveillance and control have changed. Deleuze has argued
that the disciplinary society of factories and prisons has given way
to the control society, where mechanisms of domination are less
evident but far more pervasive and operate through codes and
passwords. If the renewed focus on pinpointing and locating is
legitimised rather than caused by geopolitical instability, might it
be a general function of control societies, in a way that is distinct
from the place of the Panoptic gaze within disciplinary societies? The
increasing centrality of surveillance systems to the commercial sector
suggests a new role for surveillance, that of not controlling
deviancy, crime or terrorism but of managing consumption, producing
not docile subjects so much as better consumers, the imperative of
efficiency applied not just within commercial enterprises themselves,
but throughout the cultural domain. Following this logic further, then
- in parallel with the rise of coercive forms of State surveillance,
and accompanying the huge proliferation of new surveillance
technologies, from biometrics to RFID tags - we might expect to see
surveillance become a cultural entity in its own right, and the
locative capacity itself embraced and consumed like any other product,
as a form of culture or leisure activity.
To take the example of mobile phones, their rapid uptake, both in the
West and increasingly in the global South, has created an
unprecedented capacity for tracking and monitoring individuals.(3) The
mobile phone in many ways encapsulates the new relationship of power
better than any other technology, in a similar way that the Panopticon
did for the last. (Indeed, Bentham's famous design for the Panopticon,
an ideal prison in which the inmates can be observed at all times
without knowing when the observation takes place, so that they
internalise the gaze and ultimately police themselves, envisaged tin
listening tubes connecting the control tower to each cell, in an
uncanny forward to the mobile phone.) The mobile phone is carried on
the body, and so connects the individual directly to ever
proliferating databases, operating simultaneously as identifier and
electronic tagging device: it is a wearable technology that places the
Panoptic eye in your pocket and the body within the circuits of
dataveillance. The mobile also highlights the arrival of lateral or
'synaptic' surveillance, in which the top-down model of
State-sponsored surveillance is displaced by a situation in which
contents are generated within and circulate across horizontal
networks, and it is increasingly difficult to distinguish the subjects
of surveillance from its agents - as in the use of picture phones and
the rise of 'cellphone vigilantes' (Mitchell). Perhaps of more
significance still is the way that with mobile phones surveillance
mechanisms are marketed as consumer products in the form of
Location-Based Services, such as the service introduced in Finland
enabling parents to track the movements of their children 24 hours per
day, without consent if the child is under 15 (requiring new
legislation in Finland with the rest of the EU expected to follow).
Other services are based on models of entertainment and leisure,
fitting neatly with a social and psychological shift identified in a
number of contributions to ZKM's CTRL[SPACE] catalogue: whereas
Orwell's 1984 expressed and embodied a fear of the future as a place
in which all people and all things would be observed at all times, we
now live in a present, it is claimed, characterised by "scopophilia",
a mix of voyeurism and exhibitionism, and an ontological need to be
observed. While this perspective may have its limits beyond the
still-exceptional cases of web-cams and reality TV, with the mundane
and everyday use of mobile phones surveillance is being dispersed and
also transformed, a technical capacity to locate becoming a tool to
help us consume better and a new form of entertainment. The complex of
control and communication in mobile telephony is not imposed but
embraced for both business and pleasure, a system of power spread
through marketing and accessed through subscription services.
To the extent that locative media simple celebrates the ability to
locate all things at all times, it could almost be described as little
more than a marketing wing for this branch of the control society,
locatives style leaders as much as early adopters. Equally, in
competing with the corporates in the race to produce a locative
operating system, a location-aware internet or geo-repository it risks
being just another player in the Location-Based Services market. And
yet where the focus is placed upon the social before the spatial,
either in the creation of open tools or in user-end applications, it
becomes something fundamentally different. Like surveillance, locative
media is a social project, but the grass-roots, social networks it
advocates offer a critical distance to the system of domination of the
control society. Locative media exults in the pleasure of locating and
being located, and finds in this the basis for an emergent sociality -
driven not by marketing but by networks of reciprocity and trust - as
well as new ways of representing, relating to and moving in the world.
Just as it contests the top down approach of conventional cartography
to open up a manifold of different ways in which geographical space
can be encountered and drawn, so in appropriating and refunctioning
positioning or tracking technologies, locative media indicates how
they may be used not for pinning down but for opening up.(4) In
dispersing interventions and applications outside the State- and
corporate-led technology push, it transforms a system of domination
into a participatory milieu. And in bringing location and the
coordinate system into the foreground, by examining location-aware
experience or perception and its relationship to the dominant logics
of representation, it creates distortions or moments of ambiguity by
which mechanisms of domination become both apparent and less certain.
This does not yet allow a simple opposition to be made between
locative media and surveillance or control. Locative media remains
upon the same plane as new forms of pervasive surveillance, and this
is a plane upon which emancipation and domination intertwine. It is
not a simple question of emancipation _or_ domination, but of both at
once. In many ways the locative utopia _is_ the dystopia of total
control. After Systems Theory we might say that this presents a
paradox that is not there to be resolved, but which is productive of
the conditions of emergence for a location-aware society. Perhaps
another term is needed, that speaks neither of utopia or dystopia, and
which holds this paradox open. One possibility might be _embedded
media_, which comes close to ambient technologies or augmented
reality, without the Californian gloss. The term highlights the way
media technologies pervade every aspect of the social domain, while
its origin, referring to the placing of journalists in military
columns during the war in Iraq, serves to highlight an inherent
complicity in the operation of power. As a descriptive term it would
highlight the way in which locative media is embedded not only in
geographical space but political and cultural space as well. And as a
metaphor it might be reclaimed as a rhetorical strategy for inhabiting
this ambiguous and conflictual space, for intervening in the membranes
of the multifarious datastreams (of military surveillance, criminal
databases, immigration authorities, financial transactions, etc) that
constitute the invisible threads of an emerging social fabric. To
stretch the metaphor yet further, we might ask where the
pockets-of-resistance to this form of embedded media might lie, the
moments of disturbance or sites of interruption not of the telos of
technological war, but of social control.(5)
In its focus on the user-led and collaborative, on community projects
and social software, on the creation of open tools, locative media
offers a similar political moment to the open software movement. But a
politics that is distinct to locative media - a politics of location -
is not immediately apparent. Locative media proposes a form of dissent
that is "collectively constructive rather than oppositional"
(headmap). In radical times it is legitimate to ask whether a more
radical or oppositional stance is called for. But equally in place of
seeking a conventional, oppositional politics within locative media,
we might ask what kind of politics is already there. The emergence of
surveillance as entertainment suggests a whole new ecology of
observation and control, forcing a reassessment of the conceptual
frameworks through which surveillance has been understood. The
discourse of privacy breaks down - compounded by the way that
dataveillance renders personal boundary inconsequential - and
traditional campaigning and advocacy become necessary but no longer
sufficient ways of contesting the spread and application of
technologies of political control. If drawing back the curtain of
privacy is no longer an option, then perhaps we might "glimpse the
outlines of future forms of resistance" to "the widespread progressive
introduction of a new system of domination" (Postscript on Control
Societies, Deleuze) precisely where the mechanisms of domination are
encountered head on. Locative media's political moment might not be
despite its complicity in mechanisms of domination but because of it,
residing in the acceptance of the paradox and occupying the ambiguous
space it creates, creating a site of resistance by working from the
inside. While locative media rarely interrogates its own embeddedness
and complicity, even its utopianism is in many ways the most radical
gesture, highlighting how positioning technologies can be enabling,
and providing an alternative to voices critical of surveillance which
risk spreading paranoia and so acquiescence. This does not preclude
the development of a more overt politics of locative media (I must
confess, this is _my_ obsession), one that explores its relationship
to surveillance, and that seeks to intervene in the operation of
technologies of political control by developing countermeasures or
disrupting their affect. Locative media does not seek to intervene
directly in the spread of pervasive tracking and surveillance
technologies, nor does it examine their role in the large scale
devastation that has been enacted on the world stage over the past two
years. But in holding open this ambiguity, and in its constructive
collectivism, locative media marks both the power and the limit of new
forms of surveillance, deconstructing the operation of technologies of
political control by introducing moments of distortion or uncertainty
at that limit, and in building open platforms offers the chance to
reverse, multiply and diffract the gaze, suggesting the arrival of the
locative dystopia might be interrupted my the emergence of its other
from the spaces inbetween.
These issues will be explored at the MobiloTopia session at
Transmediale proposed jointly by futuresonic/loca and the Locative
Media Lab, and as a part of Mobile Connections, the main programming
strand of the futuresonic04 festival.
Drew Hemment
7 January 04
//links
[1]www.futuresonic.com
[2]www.mobileconnections.org
[3]www.loca.org.uk
[4]www.locative.org
[5]www.headmap.org
[6]www.transmediale.de
//notes
(1) The MobiloTopia session at Transmediale asks if utopia is a
non-place, what might a locative utopia be?
(2) Here this takes the form of data-matching between watchlists and
airline passenger lists accessed worldwide, something predicted by
Statewatch many months in advance, as was the application of
anti-terrorism legislation against protesters and activists, first
seen during the protests and peace camp at Fairford RAF airbase in the
build-up to the Iraq War.
(3) Location data from mobile phones is routinely used in court cases
in the UK and by the intelligence services, and was used by the
Russian security services in the assassination of Chechnya's rebel
leader Dudayev (reportedly with NSA support). Mobile phones routinely
generate location data so that calls can be routed, data which is
recorded by the Operators. This is cell based and simply records the
closest mast to the handset against time. Triangulation data is far
more precise, calculating location to within 25m from the time delay
in signals received by different masts, and mobile phones also
increasingly incorporate GPS technology. Even pay-as-you-go phones,
for which details of owners are not recorded, offer no respite, as the
level of encryption on mobiles is so low that they can be easily
hacked to obtain their unique EMEI number, and as mobiles and PDAs
merge it will not be just location and phone logs that can be
accessed, but diaries, contacts, et al. Yet more forms of surveillance
are in development that exploit the flood of microwave radiation
created by the global coverage of GSM, such as the radar-like
Celldar(TM) system, developed by a UK subsidiary of Seimens for
anti-terrorism defence, security and road traffic management, which
offers the capability to see in real-time through walls or view moving
objects hundreds of miles away by measuring deviations in mobile phone
radiation patterns.
(4) While the focus here is on the relation to surveillance, similar
issues arise in locative media's relationship with cartography:
drawing maps has always been political, and what is at stake therefore
is not just the contours of cartography, but also contours of control.
(5) In a similar vein we might ask whether after the political farce
of embedded journalists in Iraq, might there emerge a critical space
for embedded or reality gaming. Sony dropped Shock and Awe, but in an
age when the waging of war comes ever closer to a video arcade - which
led to Baudrillard's claim that Gulf I never happened - a tactical
approach to game zones that occupy urban spaces and are intertwined
with the fabric of everyday life could offer a critical space to
contest the military-entertainment complex and highlight the fact that
the War on Terror is already right here.
References
1. http://www.futuresonic.com/
2. http://www.mobileconnections.org/
3. http://www.loca.org.uk/
4. http://www.locative.org/
5. http://www.headmap.org/
6. http://www.transmediale.de/
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