Shuddhabrata Sengupta on Tue, 30 Jul 2002 08:48:22 +0200 (CEST)

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<nettime> No Border Camp Strasbourg : A Report

Dear all at Nettime,

Geert Lovink has already posted a first report on the Strasbourg No Border 
Camp. I am sending another based on two very stimulating  
days that I spent at the Strasbourg No Border Camp last week. 
This  report is sketchy, incomplete and personal report of what I 
experienced, and some of the thoughts that have occurred to me, arising from 
these expereiences.I apologize in advance for the length of this posting. The 
posting is in eight parts. 

Also, apolgies for cross posting to all those who might have got a version of 
this report (posted earlier today) on the Reader List

No Border Camp Strasbourg : A Report

I. A Backgrounder

The "No Border" camps (like the one at Strasbourg) are events that grow out 
of the activities of the No Border Network, ( an alliance of 
activists and organizations engaged in campaigning against tightening border 
controls, increasing persecution of emigrants and border crossers, and the 
buidling up of what can be best described as  the "Fortress 
Europe/Australia/America" phenomenon. The campaign consists of anti 
-deportation activities like the by now well known "Lufthansa Deportation 
Class" campaign  by 'Kein Mensch Ist Illegal' (No One is Illegal) in Germany, 
the 'Sans Papiers' (Without Papers) movement in France and the more recent 
D.Sec as well as a host of other initiatives by, activist groups, civil 
liberty organizations, and individuals. 

The political cultures and traditions that the No Border Network embodies, 
are as diverse as the 'multitudes' that inhabit it, but they visibly include 
anarchists, radical feminist, liberterian communists, greens, immigrant 
organizations, civil liberties groups, tactical media initiative like some 
Indymedia groups as well as un-affiliated, even a-political, individual 
dissidents. The network does not describe itself as a movement, it has no 
central committee or caucus, and is marked by a very alive tradition of 
internal debate, disagreement and a refusal to abide by any demands for what 
in left circles worldwide, is known as "Unity in Struggle", and which, in 
reality is the subordination of all opinions to the demands of the central 
party line.

The No Border camp at Strasbourg is the largest even of its kind so far, and 
housed approximately 3000 people in a very hospitable and convivial 
atmosphere. Previous camps have occurred at the German-Polish border, the 
German-Ukrainian border, the Spain-Morocco border, and the US-Mexican border. 
The recent campaings against the detention of immigrants at Woomera in 
Australia is also inspired in many ways by the No Border Camps.

This much by way of a bare context to the camp. I arrived on the late 
afternoon of the 21st of July along with Florian Scheider, Geert Lovink and 
Manse Jacobi at the Strasbourg border camp. And I was in the camp till late 
on the night of the 23rd of July.

Florian and Geert had been actively involved in several no border camps 
before, and it was good to get a sense from them about how the No Border 
Camps have evolved, from a gathering of two to three hundred German acitvists 
in the late nineties, into a temporary autonomous zone that brought together 
two to three thousand people from all over Europe, and some from Australia, 
North America and Asia.

Florian spoke of both the excitement of seeing the whole phenomenon of the No 
Border camp grow, as a dynamic, organic entitiy, and also of the frustrations 
of having to re-invent the process of discussion and organization, as people 
new to the network arrived at the camp and brought with them their varied 
energies, momentums and proclivities. While there was a sense of a loss of 
the intimacy of the earlier gatherings, it was more than made up for by the 
enormous energy that this camp was clearly able to mobilize and sustain.

In Geert's posting (which I had forwarded earlier to this list), the vital 
role that a new sensibility of the politics of communication, and its role in 
building this network is evident. He traced, with some pride, the expansion 
of the communicative capacity of the network, from one laptop computer, to a 
well kitted out wireless internet infrastructure, an independent transmitter 
and a camp radio, and the expanding base of the Indymedia and open publishing 
tendencies that broadcast the camp to the world. I saw Geert at his happiest 
in the radio tent, a hive of transmissions, where radical techies from all 
over would congregate to record, transmit and inscribe the camp on the 

Manse, who has been actively involved in the setting up of aspects of the 
Indymedia system, had interesting things to say about the possibilities 
opened up by the open publishing protocol,and how the networking 
possibilities popularized by it was one of the factors that went into the 
making of the organizational infrastructure that made events like the No 
Border camp possible. All this made for interesting discussions as 
preparation for our arrival into the camp itself.

In a sense, the background to the No Border Camp events lie in the mass 
participation in the anti capialist actions of the late nineties, starting 
from the June 18th 'reclaimation of London' in 1999, moving on to the mass 
protests of Prague, Gothenburg, Seattle and Genoa which had effectively 
radicalized a new generation of people, who were no longer content with 
reforms of the system, or 'greater democracy' or 'green' Capitalism, but were 
expressing their total sense of alienation from the institutions of the state 
and the market. Their protests were also not so much on 'behalf' of the 
oppressed in other spaces, say in that fictional space called the 'Third 
World', as about their own lives and oppressions.

(Where is the Third World, I have often wondered, in the HLM suburbs 
(banlieus) of Paris, where second generation unemployed white kids and newly 
proletarianized Maghrebians  live the good life of contemporary capitalism in 
decrepit housing estates, or in the slums and shanty towns of Delhi, or in 
both, and if it is in both, then what  sense does it make to speak of a 
"third" world, as opposed to 'one' world and nothing else to win, and nothing 
to lose). In identifying the system of borders and border controls, and the 
'frontierization' of all urban spaces in Europe, these protesters were 
turning the terms of debate around into a territory in which they were 
themsevles visible as 'outsiders' in fortress Europe. As objects in the 
database, who could be legal or illegal depending on the terms that the state 
system employed to characterize the notions of legality in physical space. 
This meant that potentially, this culture of dissent was one of the first to 
postulate a unity not based on sympathy with the oppressed 'other' , but on 
the actual possibility of solidarity based on the conditions that acted in 
uniform ways across the globe as Capital consolidated itself globally. In 
other words, or as one of the favourite slogans of the no border activists 
put it, "Our resistance is as transnational as Capital".

Combined with this was a new energy of communicative practices and tactical 
media actions that originated in and around the Hybrid Media Lounge at 
Documenta X in 1997. It is important to recognize, for instance, that the 
Kein Mensch Ist Illegal campaign, was born in that environment, and was one 
of the most significant energies that fed into the anti border mobilizations 
of the later years.

II. The Camp

The first sight that greets you as you cross the Pont d'Europe bridge, 
between France and Germany, is a colourful array of tent on the right 
(French) bank of the Rhine. This was the campsite. As you entered, there were 
a series of improvised but elegant Geodesic Dome frames made out of cheap and 
easily awailable wooden rods and pegs. These Domes housed, information 
centres, a welcome point (where you were given basic directions, and 
orientations), and spaces where people could put up posters, banners etc. 
There was also a tent for a round the clock legal team (in case of arrests or 
legal problems) and a full time medical team. The camp itself was organized 
in "Barrios", or 'neighbourhoods' each housing approximately 400-500 people. 
Thus, there was a Marburg Barrio, Barcelona Barrio, a Brandenburg Barrio and 
so on. There was also a 'Womens Only' quarter, for women who wanted to live 
in a space where there were no men around. Elsewhere in the camp, women and 
men, and children of all ages, and of assorted nationalities, mingled and 
lived together in an atmosphere that seemed easy, non threatening, and 
refreshingly free of any rancour. Though some women stayed in the women only 
zone, the majority of women stayed in the mixed barrios. There was also a 
special area for children and their friends and parents to play in, and 
several people volunteered to play and organize a series of fun activities, 
with the kids. 

I chose to stay with friends I knew, in the Brandenburg Barrio, which also 
called itself the "Black-Silver" Barrio, although it carried a big nice red 
flag, with a black star in the centre. Everywhere, black and red flags (the 
striking colours of the anarchist tradition) fluttered over cheerful pink, 
blue, purple, green and mauve tents - giving the whole camp the happily 
hybrid atmosphere of a cross between a political gathering and a carnival. 
(And that is the best kind of political gathering, imho !)

The Barrios were organized around kitchens, which offered free, wholesome but 
simple (mainly vegetarian, except for the Maghrebian kitchen of the French 
Sans Papiers, which also offered delicious north african meat dishes) food, 
for which you had to queue up. Dinner, was a time that you could run into old 
friends, or make new ones, in the queue. Each day, there were a series of 
planned actions, (demonstrations in the city centre, events in the depressed 
suburbs of Strasbourg, mainly populated by migrants) and meetings, 
discussions and workshops. At night, after dinner, there were usually 
lectures, or public discussions, or screenings in one of the two big workshop 

For a detailed description of how life on an everyday level at the camp was 
organized see the camp manual at (it makes for fascinating 
reading on how 'organized' an well designed a space with an anarchist space 
has to be if it has to be functional, free and friendly !)

I have already mentioned the Indymedia Tent (with public internet access) and 
he Radio Tent, which were the communciative hubs of the camp. There was also 
the Publix Theatre Caravan bus, which was a mobile tactical media double 
decker bus, that had come all the way from Vienna, and which was like a 
tactical media centre on the move, with facilities for video screenings, 
intenet access and streaming, and which would tour the neighbourhoods and 
suburbs of Strasbourg, and during demonstrations, as a very active outreach 
arm of the campaign.

The presense of the media and technology at the camp remained a subject of 
much debate within the camp itself. From the very beginning, there was an 
active "Anti-Technology" cafe, which was the focus of anti media, anti 
techie, currents in the camp. There was a great deal of debate on whether the 
mainstream media and the alternative media were the one and the same thing, 
whether media personnel should at all be allowed into the camp or not, and 
how the media spaces shoud be (self) governed. 

An interesting instance of the kinds of conflicts that these debates 
generated, was the unilateral decision by some people within the 
radical/lesbian feminist sorority at the camp that the radio tent be a "Women 
Only" space, during the hours that they would be broadcasting their radio 
programme on the camp radio station. This naturally led to some tensions, 
with techies (both men and women) insisting that this was a violation of 
their rights to be and work in a space that they were primarily responsible 
for. After a few days of what seemed like an impossible standoff, a 
compromise was reached, the (male) techies decided to observe the 
radical/lesbian feminist radio programme transmission hour as a 'time for 
silence ', meaning they agreed  to remain absolutely silent in the tent, 
while the radical lesbian feminists were present for their radio programme. 

This solution worked out perfectly. The radical lesbian feminists got their 
radio programme on the camp radio, and the (male) techies, stayed on in the 
radio tent. I point to this little tussle, because it seems to me a very 
interesting example of how a non hierarchical political culture can deal with 
the fact of internal differences. Of course, it took a few days, and a lot of 
energy was spent discussing things, but a solution was found in the end. 
Similar disputes, even on day to day matters like whehter or not a group 
could or could not set up a non profit beer bar on the camp grounds, or how 
to deal with instances of sexism on the camp were arrived at on a daily basis 
at inter barrio meetings, which were daily instances of the everyday 
political culture of grassroots anarchism. 

The overall security of the camp was the responsbility of the 'Big Bertha' 
node, which consisted of rotating personnel who basically moved around the 
camp making sure that everybody felt safe and secure in a non coercive way, 
they were armed only with torches and walkie talkies, and were trained in the 
practical aspects of non violent conflict resolution. It was also their job 
to alert the camp in the event of any police presence. The Big Bertha team, 
like the medical, legal, techie, media and kitchen teams, were composed of 
volunteers, and had to report the inter barrio assembl. None of these teams 
acted as power centres, in fact they coud not do so, as they were made up of 
rotating members. Apart form these there were 'Affinity Groups' - the radical 
lesbian feminists were one such group, the techies were another informal 
affinity group and so on. The inter barrio assembly met each morning after 
local barrio meetings. Barrios sent delegates selected to the inter barrio 
meetings (these could be recalled, and were not 'representatives' in the 
sense in which we normally understand 'political representation') all 
disputes, were discussed openly and at great length, and there was no attempt 
to force majority decisions, or forced consensus. All decisions were publicly 
posted at info points in each barrio and in public spaces in the camp. The 
camp was not chaotic, not a series of random meetings, not made up of vague 
drifters who had nothing else to do. 

Just to give you an instance of how organized it actually was - the diversity 
of languages spoken at the camp was transformed from being a problem into an 
advantage by sheer organization and co ordinated effort. At the radio and 
info tents, there were charts outlining peoples (volunteers) names, the 
languages they spoke and the times that they would be avaiable each day for 
interpreting and translations. This menat that no text, no communique, no 
interview, no discussion need remain untranslated. Working translations were 
arrived at , expeditiously, and no group felt left out because it did not 
speak a particular language. 

I found this particularly remarkable, as I am used to the linguistic tyranny 
of Hindi and English in a great deal of the alternative political culture in 
India. As far as i could get a sense of what is going on, it was my distinct 
impression that a similar level of co ordination was also visible in the 
voluntary distribution of kitchen and cleaning up duties, construction, 
maintainance, public relations and technical infrastructure maintaniance. If 
anything, this microcosmic model of a 'functioning anarchy' was an instance 
of how the actions and energies of the 'multitudes' might translate into 
concrete realities on a day to day basis in a possible future away from 

Of course there were matters of serious disputes, like one on the presence 
and persistence of an anti semitic thread in the European left that took 
advantage of the condemnation of the Israeli states' actions in the occupied 
Palestinian territories. This was a theme on which I heard many conflicting 
points of view. 

There were also practical issues of great concern and gravity, that were the 
subject of endless debate and discussion - how not to succumb to police 
provocation, how to interface more actively with the people of Strasbourg, 
and how to plan an effective action agaist the Schengen Information System, 
which was the key action planned for the end of the week. 

III. Information and Politics : The SIS system and the No Border Camp

The Schengen Information System (SIS) is the central database that tracks 
migrants, refugees, travellers, asylum seekers and others who come to Europe. 
It s electronic monitoing apparatus, has turned all of the towns, cities and 
country side of the Schengen states (France, Germany, Italy, the Benelux 
states) into one vast border zone that carries with it the illusion of the 
'vanishing border'. It is true, that once you enter, say,  France, you can 
pass seemingly effortlessly into any other Schengen state. But what lies 
behind this apparent ease of movement (if you have the right papers) is the 
fact that the entire area is now one big networked border check post, and you 
can be tracked, traced, and checked, anywhere. In Germany, for instance, 
severely repressive laws, that restrict the movements of those who have 
sought asylum are in existence, and the German government (SPD and Greens) is 
arguing for making this a Europe wide system. The UK is calling for punitive 
actions against those parts of the world where illegal emigrants originate 
from. The databases at the heart of fortress Europe are the neural network 
which will make these measures possible. One of the most interesting groups 
of people that I came across at the no border camp at strasbourg, was the 
group that called itself D.Sec (


D.Sec or 'Database System to Enforce Control' can also be understood as 
"Deformed Security"

Here I would like to give you an extended quote from the d.sec website.

"...d.sec is about reflecting the mechanisms of repression/control in the 
fields of free movement and free communication, the experiences of electronic 
and physical bordercrossing. An attempt to integrate cyber-activism and 
taking the streets, and find the relations between social and technical 
skills. The wider objective is to give momentum to an ongoing exploration of 
technical potentials in the resistance against the border regime. 

d.sec relies on the diversity of people who will be present at the Strasbourg 
border camp. Some of the activists will be web designers and editors, 
sys-ads, videomakers, code-writers, translators. Some earn a living with this 
"immaterial labour", some just use it in their political work. Others focus 
on the streets. Others have experience with borders and migration. 

d.sec is meant to become an open structure where activists, anti-racists, 
migrants, hackers, teccies, artists and many more put their knowledges and 
practices into self-organised interaction. A space to discuss and network, 
for skill sharing and and collaborative knowledge production. A laboratory to 
try out ways to hack the streets and reclaim cyberspace with crowds in pink 
and silver; experiment with virtual identities, linux and open-source 
products; explore the embodyment of technology, learn about the meanings of 
physical and virtual bordercrossing."

In conversations with some of the people of this group, what I found most 
interesting was their very concrete understanding of the fact that the 
freedom of movement and freedom of information are related things. That the 
immigration systems databse was a border control system, and hacking the 
database was as much about freeing information as it was about helping people 
move by letting them know how much they were being watched, how and 
my mind, this is one of the cleares instances of political hacking that I 
know, and it is not about a "Denial of Service"attack, or about some kind of 
cyber graffiti or  website defacement. It is far more fundamental than these 
kinds of actions that are basically designed as being more or less effective 
spectacles in cyberspace.
d.Sec is about getting to the core of the "politics" of information systems, 
and that is why I think it breaks significant new ground in the tactical 
media milieu.

Althoug I was not present for the d.sec groups action at the SIS headquarters 
in the suburbs of Strasbourg, (it happenned after I left) I think it bears 
some reflection, and I quote again from the diary entry of this action on one 
of the Indymedia sites allied with the Strasbourg No Border Camp.

Shutting Down the SIS ; Researchers Hack the SIS system

"...On friday 26th a team of researchers from strasbourg nsv 
research(noborder sillicon valley) came to Strasbourg Neuhof, where the 
Schengen Information System (SiS) is located. It was the aim of a working 
group to develope a system to make the data stored in the Schengen 
Information System accessable for everybody. Accompanied by a french 
television team and several journalist, the team dig a hole next to the 
street which is going to the SIS. The work of the group soon got the 
attention of the police, obviously not understanding what was going on and 
suprised by the massive gathering of press people. 

Based on information of a resaerchers group who visited the SIS location some 
days before, a cable was taken out of the ground and connected to a notebook. 
After booting the system and logging in on the SIS system, the user rights of 
the schengen data were changed (chmod 777*) so from now on everybody is able 
to access his/her own data stored in the schengen system, of course also 
change or delete data as needed. After that then the noborder plugin was 
installed (apt-get install noborder) to enable access from everywhere whitout 

The communication protokoll was changed to TCP/IP for easy internet 
(webbased-)access. A easy to use webportal will be installed soon. Now the 
system was shutdown for a complete reboot and made ready for a 
free-communication compiling..."

Here was an event complete with its own dramaturgy and theatre, 'researchers' 
dressed in orange and white lab technicians garb, complete with accessible 
high tech, but easy to use, and inexpensive tools (laptops, digi cams and 
mobile phones) technical competence of a high order, a clear political 
objective - (freeing the database) and an utterly confused police which could 
make no sense of a group of silent, serious looking technicians who seemed to 
raise no slogans, make no disturbance, speak in no "language of protest" that 
they could recognize.

V. Maps of Power

Another interesting project  that I saw was a take away print broadsheet 
called "Refuse the Biopolice : A Cartography of Contemporary Control Systems 
a fascinating diagrammic representation 
of the links between corporate and financial power, state interests, military 
apparatuses, foundations, wealthy families, and networks of surviellance that 
spanned the globe. This was a project conceived by a Strasbourg based group 
called the Universite Tangente (Tangential University?) in collaboration with, which is a collective of artists and researchers 
who produce a variety of imaginative interpretations through texts, maps and 
diagrams of the realities of contemporary life. Information, both as an 
aesthetic category, and as a subject of politics is central to their work. 
The boradsheet was produced by them in collaboration with Syndicat Potentiel 
and Bureau d'Etudes (Strasbourg) 

VI. Freedom of Movement, Freedom for Information

It was in some ways quite fitting that this recognition of the very political 
fact of information, of the drawing of links between the freeing of 
information, and the breaking of borders was taking place at Strasbourg. 
Strasbourg was the place where Gutenberg pioneered the printing press. And 
there is a statue commemorating his "freeing of information"close to the city 
centre. In an earlier visit to Strasbourg some years ago, I was pleased to 
discover, at the base of this memorial to Gutenberg, a series of bronze 
plaques, other pioneers of free speech, the printed word and the freedom of 
expression and information. Amongst this is depicted (Along with the thinkers 
of the enlightenment, the statesmen of the American revolution, and anti 
slavery activists) a figure of Ram Mohan Roy (misspelt as Rah Mohan Roy), 
radical theologian, an early enthusiast of the printing press, liberal 
thinker and founder of the reformist sect called the Brahmo Samaj in 
nineteenth century India. Ram Mohan Roy, in the last phase of his life, spent 
some years in Europe, in England. During this time, he expressed a desire to 
vist France, to facilitate the people of France on the occasion of an 
anniversary of the revolution of 1789. He was however, asked to procure a 
visa by the French authorities. Much incensed by this, "uncivilised" demand, 
he wrote an eloquent and furious letter, in which he implied that the visa, 
was a violation of the principles of liberty (of movement), of equality 
(amongst peoples) and the possibility of fraternity (because it effectively 
prevented people from fraternizing). I am not sure about this, but my hunch 
is that this is probably the first recorded protest against visas and border 
controls in the world. 

By a strange (or not so strange) twist of history. The demonstration that 
passed the tiny, barely noticable bas relief figure of Ram Mohan Roy in 
Strasbourg, was echoing his anger, almost two centuries later. What was 
remarkable was the fact that they like him, (and perhaps like Gutenberg 
before him) were equally aware of the fact that the control over information 
is one of the keys to the hold that power has over people, and that their 
protest was as much against border controls in physical space as it was 
against borders in virtual space. This again made me think that it is 
meaningless to single out the internet as 'New Media'. In its own time, the 
Printing Press was as much 'new' or 'tactical' media as the internet and 
computers are today. And just as the explosion of 'illicit', subversive, 
dissident, anti clerical or even ribald literature that accompanied the 
proliferation of printing presses in the late eighteenth century prior to and 
during the revolution of 1789, creating a critical mass of free thinking, so 
too, the tactical media initiatives of our times could be contributing to a 
new critical mass of the freedom of thought in our times. The fact that the 
database was at the heart of power, makes it impossible to think of a 
technological articulation of info politics as being always radical. It is as 
central to power as it is to those who oppose power. To either romanticize 
new technologies of information and communication as being the standard 
bearers of the coming revolution, or to paint them in the dystopic colours of 
state and political control is to forget the fact that it is what we 'do' 
with information that makes it political, this way or that. The computer can 
be the appliance of the border guard, and it can be the instrument of the 
border crosser, a lot depends on who uses, which software to which end, how, 
and why. 

For me, the border camp at Strasbourg was about this reality in action, of 
the hacker, the border crosser, the police man and the guardian of the 
database stading and facing each other, inaugurating a new moment (amongs 
many other such moments) in the struggle for freedom in the world today.

VII. On the Streets, in Cyberspace

It was this combination of the strength of tactical media actions, along with 
highly charged street protests - like the march to the European Palace of 
Justice and the Council of Europe Buildings, or in the central square of 
Strasbourg, which combined radical giant puppets, cheerleaders, spray 
painters, a mobile poster and sticker pasting unit, a very enthusiastic Samba 
band, flag bearers and camera wielding people who did counter surveillance 
videos of polic presence, that lent the whole camp and its activities a 
decided edge. Of course, the police waited and watched in the first few days, 
and then got into a heavily reprssive mode later, with arrests, raids, tear 
gas sprays and baton charges (all these happenned in the last few days, after 
I left) but I think that camp was able to make its presence felt in many 
significant ways. It was the intersection of a new information and tactical 
media presence with a street smart culture of political presence. By focusing 
on the Schengen Information System it was able to develop a sophisticated 
response to the necessity of treating information as one of the key questions 
of political power in the contemporary world. And on the sidelines of the 
camp, just before I left to catch a train in the middle of the night, in a 
discussion on tactical media and politics,  that brought together people from 
Central, Western and Eastern Europe, North America, Australia, the Middle 
East (both Arab and Israeli), and South Asia, the proposal for the 'Last 
International' was quietly mooted, and slipped easily into discussion. I like 
this phrase, it has an irony (based on its reference to all the previous 
internationals and their tragic destinies) and a certain urgency. This 
phrase, which some of us at Sarai have used casually in conversation, which 
re-appeared again at the Make World Conference in Munich last year, and which 
made its presence felt in a quiet way at the Strasbourg No Border Camp, is an 
idea whose time has come. Increasingly, I think that the time we inhabit is 
indeed the moment of the 'Last International'. Of making the resistance to 
capital as agile, as transnational and as mobile as capital itself. As I left 
Strasbourg, crossing borders, physically and metaphorically, I could not but 
help carrying with me the slogan that I often heard at demonstrations, or saw 
pasted on leaflets all over Strasbourg - "No Borders, No Nations, Stop 

VII. Flying Home

On the flight back home, I saw a line of light on the ground as the airplane 
that I was in flew into the airspace of the Republic of India. This line of 
light was the electrified, fortified fence that marked the western borders of 
the Republic of India. On either siders of this border were arrayed the men 
who constitiuted the single largest military mobilization since the second 
world war.As we crossed this pretty line of light, the captain announced that 
it was forbidden to take pictures or make videos as we crossed into the 
airspace of the Republic of India. Once again, the border control and the 
control over informations seemed to intersect with uncanny precision. I 
thought of the possibility of a No Border Camp somewhere on this electrified, 
illuminated fault line, and quietly put that thought away, at least for the 
moment, as I began filling in the dis-embarkation card, spelling out my name, 
date of birth, and that thing which I have never understood called 
'nationality' in block letters, in preparation for the immigration control 
officer at the Indira Gandhi International Airport in New Delhi. The chant, 
"No Borders, No Nations, Stop Deportations", still rang in my head, 

(If you want to probe some of these issues further, you might like to visit 
some of these links)

No Border Network
Strasbourg No Border Camp
Publix Theatre Caravan, ""; (vienna)
Indymedia Centers";
Deportation Alliance (Anti Airline Deportation Campaign)
BorderXing Guide
:: xborder ::Border policy and related issues, with particular focus on 
Universite Tangente
Syndicat Potentiel

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