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| Michael Benson on 6 Oct 2000 17:37:10 -0000 |
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| <nettime> Some thoughts on Belgrade |
[also to syndicate]
1. Listening to Kustunica's lengthy interview on TV Serbia last night, I
suddenly realized that extent to which the madness of the last decade --
a madness that consumed an entire country and took hundreds of thousands
of lives -- was the extension of the pathologies of one diseased,
brilliantly cunning, and utterly ruthless man. The question arises of
whether there even would have been armed conflict anywhere in the former
Yugoslavia if he hadn't stabbed his mentor Stambolic in the back in
1987, and seized control of the Serbian socialist party. Would
Yugoslavia still exist? Or if not, would it have been an amicable
divorce, as with the Czechs and Slovaks? I think more likely the latter
-- and in that maybe I underestimate the Balkans (always a dangerous
move). But I remember very clearly the mood in Slovenia in 1989 and '90.
The majority of Slovenes thought it was too risky to go the way of a
separate state. Then Milosevic's group seized two thirds of the entire
federal budget of Yugoslavia during the course of one weekend -- and I
could almost palpably hear a majority of Slovenians click over to the
other side as they came to a simultaneous realization that it would
always and forever be impossible to work with a Serbia under the control
of that man.
As for Croatia, I very much doubt that things would have come to war if
it hadn't been for the constant and consistent moves by the Serbian side
to relentlessly fan the ashes of nationalism. After Milosevic
consciously started that fire in Kosovo in '88. Tudjman was always
reactive, not active. But that's another discussion.
Kostunica's moderation, obvious intelligence, and most of all, repeated
emphasis on legality and the rule of law (and what's permissible
constitutionally -- he is after all a constitutional lawyer) is like a
window opening in a room that has grown exceedingly stuffy over the
course of a decade and a half. Not to mention the blood on the floor.
Even if I disagree with him on the issue of the Hague.
2. Watching corpulent Eagleburger, the former US Secretary of State and
one-time ambassador to Yugoslavia, on TV last night, I could feel my
gorge rise. (Great name, b.t.w., for an ambassador, isn't it? Not to
mention a secretary of state?) This is a man who, under Bush, was more
than ready to declare to the world that the massacres that were taking
place in the former Yugoslavia were an internal matter, or Europe's
business, and in any case the US wasn't at all interested in getting
involved. (I believe his actual phrase was "this is a swamp into which
we shouldn't wander", or some such.) Now here he is on TV delivering
himself of the opinion that we should look the other way while Milosevic
is given asylum somewhere, presumably in some country like Belarus --
and this at a time when it was already clear that Milosevic seems to
have lost all ability to fight back, and is therefore at the mercy of
what the opposition wants to do with him! Eagleburger belongs to the
Kissengerian school of realpolitic, in which moral considerations are
scorned as the territory for wimpy liberals, presumably because K
qualifies as one himself (something rarely mentioned during the course
of that Pinochet-in-London episode last year). The presupposition that
Milosevic retains some possibility to fight is supposedly the rationale
for letting him get away -- but there's no evidence that he has that
ability. Which just goes to show that Eagleburger is either getting
increasingly inept in his old age, or simply thinks that apprehending
war criminals is a bad idea.
3. Kostunica paints the Hague tribunal as being a US puppet court, even
though the US has consistently refused to hand over the results of its
high-tech spying on Bosnian Serb military communications over the last
few years (and despite the US resistance to setting up a permanent
international war crimes tribunal, which would have the possibility of
trying US war criminals as well. Let's not forget that Kissinger's still
alive...) On the other hand, CNN's guy Alessio Vinci says that Kostunica
isn't making it a "high priority" that Milosevic be handed over to the
Hague -- which makes it seem like he's only holding his cards close to
his chest while M remains at large, and might consider it. My strong
view is that Serbia will never recover its balance and the possibility
of returning to something like normality unless it hands of Mladic,
Karadzic, Milosevic, and the other mass murderers (Seselj, for example).
It would be too much to hope that they could be tried in Serbia. It
would also be interesting if TV Serbia opens its airwaves, for example,
to a program like the BBC's "Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation" (Allen
Little and Laura Silber). But it will take a long time to undo the
damage done by 13 years of relentless nationalist propaganda (see point
1).
4. If Kosovo came up in the Kostunica interview, I didn't hear it
because CNN cut away early. But clearly this is bad news to the Kosovo
Albanians (sorry, I can't bring myself to use one of those
politically-correct "Kosov {AT} " spellings). I'm afraid that the West,
pushed by the French (who don't want their collaboration with Karadzic
brought into an open court) will now move rapidly to forgive and forget
the Bosnian butchery and decade-plus of apartheid crimes in Kosovo. Part
of this will involve a re-think of the status of Kosovo, which in any
case is in a kind of bureaucratic purgatorio state, with the jury out on
if they will be ushered back to hell or allowed a shot at
self-government. My own view is that the Serbs gave up any right to
Kosovo with their behavior there since 1988. Not to mention the
demographics -- even before the war last year.
5. I happened to be in Belgrade, waiting for two months for a Soviet
visa, when Milosevic seized power in '87. I'll always remember the
panicky atmosphere in the city at that time -- not because of Milosevic,
but because the inflation was so radical that you could clock the dive
of the dinar by the hour. There were long lines at every store as people
desperately tried to amass basic staple foods before the prices doubled
or tripled during the course of a single day. Now we're at the other end
of the story, but the economy is if anything much worse. If he is really
well and truly gone, Serbia will still have to be in a kind of intensive
care ward for years. Having spent quite a bit of time in Croatia
recently, I saw for myself how ravaged the Croatian economy and sense of
self is after Tudjman -- and in Serbia, as I said, it's much more grim.
If this guy really did spend his ninth life, clearly it's cause for
celebration. But Serbia will never really recover until it becomes
candid with itself about the extent of its willing complicity in his
madness. In that sense, it's a similar situation to the one facing
Germany in 1945 -- only the Serbs are already in a better position,
because they got rid of him themselves. Or are they? It took the
victorious allies who imposed "de-nazification". Who will do that in
Serbia?
6. Meanwhile, whatever happens, a celebration's definitely in order.
Cheers, MB
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