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ATTAC Weekly newsletter - Wednesday 05/17/00 ______________________________ Content 1- Confronting Global Capital In Washington, DC 2- European directive threatens Cameroon economy 3- Internet access to the UN Organisation decision. 4- Reinforcing citizenship 5- Using NAFTA to Grab Lucrative Market ______________________________ Confronting Global Capital In Washington, DC ____________________________________________________________ The April protests against the World Bank and I.M.F. were a remarkable victory for people trying to restrain the power of these institutions. The protests drew between 20,000-30,000 people. This fact alone was an amazing achievement. These institutions have operated in obscurity since they were created, with the vast majority of the people in the United States being largely unaware of their existence. Prior to the protests at the WTO meetings in Seattle, it would have seemed impossible to mobilize a protest of this size. As was the case in Seattle, the protest included a wide range of organizations with differing agendas. At the start of the week, on April 9th, there was a protest led by religious groups demanding debt cancellation for the world's poor nations. In the middle of the week, there was a large protest led by labor unions opposed to the current U.S.-China trade deal, which ignores workers' rights and environmental protection. There were numerous other protests, teach-ins, press conferences (including one on the Tobin Tax, discussed below), and other events leading up to the main protest at the World Bank-I.M.F. meetings on April 16th. The goal of many in the coalition that had organized the April 16th protest was to prevent the meetings from taking place, in the same way that protesters in Seattle had obstructed the WTO meetings last fall. The Washington police force, backed up by several other police forces and the United States National Guard, were determined not to allow this to happen. Just how determined they were became clear in the days immediately prior to the protest. The police had apparently infiltrated groups planning to commit civil disobedience to obstruct the delegates from entering the building. Three days before the protest, the police searched a house, making arrests and confiscated materials such as handcuffs, which protestors had planned to use to make it more difficult to separate them when they sat down in front of the delegates. This was an interesting use of police resources in a city where it is not uncommon for small children to be murdered by stray gun fire. Events became more interesting the day before the protest, when the police shut down the "Convergence Center," the central meeting and planning place for the protest. Stealing a line from the Guidebook for Petty Tyrants, Washington's police chief announced that he had shut the center because of "fire code violations," and boasted that this action had probably saved lives. In response to legal actions by lawyers for the protestors, the police eventually allowed the protestors to reclaim some of the puppets and other material that had been kept in the Convergence Center. That evening the police decided to arrest 600 people who had been marching in a neighborhood near the I.M.F.. Such marches are legal in the United States, but apparently the police hoped to thin the ranks of those who would try to obstruct the delegates coming to the meeting the next morning. The arrest involved surrounding a large group of protestors and then handcuffing them and shoving them onto waiting busses, which would then take them to a jail to be processed. In their sweep, the police managed not only to capture people who were protesting, but also people who had been watching the protests, reporters and photographers who were covering the protest, and several tourists who just happened to be walking down the street at the time. The next day, April 16th, the police had cordoned off a huge area around the I.M.F.-World Bank buildings in order to keep protestors far away from the meetings themselves. In spite of the large area covered, there were still enough protestors to block every intersection where delegates could be brought through to the buildings. Eventually, the police were able to herd a couple of bus loads of delegates through one of the intersections, although the bus was delayed for some time before the police could clear a route through the protestors using tear gas and batons. Later that day, there was a large rally which showed the broad range of support for the protest. In addition to representatives of religious, environmental, and anti-globalization groups, several presidents of major labor unions also spoke. There were several representatives from progressive organizations in the developing world who spoke as well, most notably, Oscar Olivera, a Bolivian trade unionist, who had been a leader of protests which had just succeeded in reversing a World Bank plan to privatize Bolivia's water system. The events of April 17th were even more unusual. Since it was a Monday, it would have been a normal business day in Washington. But, to facilitate the process of bringing the delegates to the meetings, the police closed off a huge part of the city. They shut down the three buildings used by the Office of the President, the Treasury Department, the State Department, and the Commerce Department, and much of the city's downtown. Even with this huge corridor, the delegates still had to be bussed in at 5:00 in the morning in order to evade protestors. This display of power was truly remarkable. The protestors had sought to prevent the I.M.F.-World Bank meetings. In turn, in order to hold their meetings as planned, the I.M.F.-World Bank shut down much of the federal government as well as numerous private businesses. The protestors could not have asked for a better display of the arrogance of these institutions, especially since it would have been a very simple matter for them to move their meeting to a location outside of Washington. However, they were so determined to hold their meetings in the I.M.F.-World Bank buildings, that the disruption to the federal government and the city was of little consequence by comparison. The protests have shaken these institutions far more than they ever have been in the past. The leadership of the I.M.F.-World Bank is now at great pains to explain that their whole reason for existing is alleviate world poverty. They claimed that the second day of the meetings was devoted to the problem of combating the spread of AIDS in developing nations. World Bank President James Wolfenson even pledged a commitment of "unlimited money" for this purpose. (It is unlikely that this pledge of "unlimited money" will offset the cost of applying patent protection to AIDS drugs in developing nations, as required by the WTO-TRIPS agreement.) There is a large segment of the United States public that now views the I.M.F-World Bank with suspicion. Increasingly, they are asking why U.S. taxpayers should be forced to support institutions that drive down living standards around the world. The protests brought together a wide range of groups that perceive a common interest in combating these institutions. For the first time, the IMF-World Bank are being forced to publicly defend their policies in the United States. For example, the Washington Post ran a front page story on how the IMF-World Bank policies cost Haitian rice farmers their livelihood. The policy of the World Bank to dismantle Mozambique's cashew nut processing industry was discussed in the editorial pages of the New York Times. Time Magazine ran a headline that referred to the IMF as "Dr. Death" for its policies in Tanzania. Even many reporters who had previously taken the pronouncements of these institutions on faith now view them skeptically. The world has been changed by these protests. The Tobin Tax did not go unnoticed in the mix of events surrounding the protests. At teach-ins, talks, and in material distributed at the protest, the Tobin tax was frequently mentioned as one of the measures constraining capital, which would place the world economy on a more positive trajectory. Most noteworthy was the fact that two members of the United States Congress, Peter DeFazio in the House of Representatives and Paul Wellstone in the Senate, announced that they would introduce resolutions in each chamber in support of a Tobin Tax. They made this announcement at a press conference where a French member of the European Parliament, Harlem Desir, and a member of the French Parliament, Yann Galut, also spoke. A representative of the United States Steelworkers spoke at this meeting, as well. There is still very little knowledge of the Tobin Tax in the United States, and it will be some time before it can get any significant support in Congress. But the introduction of this resolution was an important first step. Dean Baker, co-director at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and Robert Naiman, senior policy analyst at the Center for Economic and Policy Research. baker@cepr.net and naiman@cepr.net ______________________________ European directive threatens Cameroon economy ____________________________________________________________ Cameroon is a continental African country located between west and central Africa with a surface area of 475,442 Km² and a population of around 15 million. It stretches some 1200 kilometres from the northern semiarid Sahel region to the southern densely forested equatorial region and has the benefit of about 300 kilometres of Atlantic coastline, in the area of the Gulf of Guinea. This explains the diversity of climates in Cameroon, and accounts for its varied agriculture. Cameroon, like many African countries, came into existence by a quirk of history. It was given its name by the 15th century Portuguese explorers, who, sailing down the African coast, discovered vast quantities of prawns in the river which is presently known as the Wouri, but which they called Rio dos Camaroes, or river of prawns. But it was following the Berlin Conference (November 1884-February 1885) that Cameroon acquired its first territorial boundaries. The country's first rulers were the Germans, who were driven out in 1916 by the French and English, during the First World War, at the end of which Cameroon was finally entrusted to the League of Nations. Cameroon's administration was subsequently handed over to France and England, and the country was divided into two parts, one belonging to France and the other to England. The two parts were not reunified until 1961; one year after the French part had obtained independence. Around 1886-87, settlers introduced the cultivation of cocoa into Cameroon, bringing it from the south west. The crop gradually spread across the whole of the southern, forested part of the country where the ecosystem is most conducive to the cultivation of the cocoa tree. Small peasant-plantations sprang up across the whole of the southern part of the country. After the Second World War, the French colonial administration began actively to encourage cocoa farming because of a strong demand for cocoa from the French mainland. Cameroon received subsidies to increase the surface area it devoted to cocoa farming from financial aid organisations such as the FIDES (investment fund for the social and economic development of overseas territories) and the FAC (overseas aid fund). This support continued after the country's independence. In 1955, a fund was created (Caisse de Stabilisation) which would regulate the price received by producers for their crop. Prices up until that time had fluctuated, which made it difficult for growers to organise and manage their resources. As a consequence of this price regulation, production of cocoa continued to increase from about 40,000 tonnes in 1945 to its peak of around 130,000 tonnes in 1972. This provided vast resources for the state of Cameroon, which set aside the sums needed for funding the Caisse de Stabilisation. It was in 1973, that the government launched its Green Revolution, which made agricultural policy with cocoa in the forefront, the spearhead of the Cameroon economy. It was from this point on that cocoa production truly became an institution in Cameroon; owning a cocoa plantation became a status symbol and top civil servants, from all the nation's regions, entered in one way or another into the process of producing or marketing cocoa. Having become aware of the downturn in production after 1973, which was caused by the ageing of plantations, the government created SODECAO (cocoa development corporation) in 1974, which was to provide the peasant-growers with a framework for the renewal of plantations. Some years later, the Caisse de Stabilisation was replaced by the ONCPB (national agency for the commercialisation of basic goods), the function of which was to make funds available for all the major export crops, in order to guarantee an acceptable price for the farmers during periods of slump. Unfortunately, this money was misappropriated by many of the country's officials, leaving small farmers in precarious circumstances. When the state of Cameroon understood that the future of cocoa production was uncertain, it authorised liberalisation, which brought an end to a trade, which had been ultra protected and reserved for staunch supporters of the government regime. Liberalisation was presented as a saving grace to the peasant-farmers. But in fact it led to the proliferation of unscrupulous rogue elements in the cocoa trade, bringing about a decline in the quality of Cameroonian cocoa, which henceforth no longer benefited from a fermentation period after harvest. Faced with this situation, Cameroonian cocoa lost its favoured position on the world markets, which witnessed the emergence of new producers. Buying from the farmers became uncertain, and in consequence, some buyers adopted the miserable trick of paying farmers with forged currency, which, in turn, created serious problems. The directive voted by the European parliament on 15 March 2000, to reduce the proportion of cocoa butter in chocolate, in favour of other vegetable fats, just adds insult to injury for the Cameroonian cocoa producers who already have to contend with all the aforementioned problems. This directive is likely to provoke widespread abandonment of plantations, a slump in production, rural exodus, an increase in prostitution and general insecurity, etc. It must be remembered that cocoa producers in Cameroon, particularly those who make their living from the activity, constitute a highly vulnerable social group, who are for the most part illiterate, and consequently lack the means to defend their interests. All the players in the cocoa network, both national and international, have exploited them for decades. It is for this reason that, - in the same way that dishonest employers are forced to compensate employees that they make redundant without due motive, - pressure should be exerted on all those who introduced, developed or exploited cocoa farming in Cameroon, to compensate the peasant-farmers who have been left to fend for themselves. It should also be stressed that cocoa production has been a leading sector of the Cameroonian economy for a long time. Dismantling it might well cause wide-scale havoc on a national level, and could reflect on all the reforms currently being implemented in Cameroon. Jean Nke Ndih Co-ordinator for ATTAC-Cameroon President of Ecology Party-Cameroon cameroun@attac.org Published in the Courriel d'information 132. journal@attac.org Translation Karen Newby & Barbara Strauss coorditrad@attac;org ______________________________ Internet access to the UN Organisation decision. ____________________________________________________________ >From the 5th to the 9th of June 2000, in New-York, the UNO is organizing a special session of its general assembly with the following title: " Women: 2000: Gender equality, development and peace for the XXIst century". This conference, also called "Beijing +5" is the follow up to the 4th UN world conference on women, held five years ago in Beijing., China. The governing bodies of this world are thus held to assess the effective application of the agreements signed and the promises made in the "Beijing platform for action" which aimed at improving women's situation and their access to basic rights. The 186 states involved will have to answer the following questions : What is the current state of women's right in the different parts of the world? What agreements have been honored and what needs should be particularly addressed ? In this assessment, different domains will be reviewed, including the increasing poverty of women, the lack of respect of their basic rights, the terrible situation of young girls, the health and education deficit, the environment destruction, the always present glass ceiling, the traffic of women, the consequences of globalisation, or the involvement of women in peace negotiation. The women of the world and their organisations will follow this process with great interest. Its no longer time to participate, but to listen and broadcast. The Onusian system does not allow any civil involvement anymore. Several preparatory regional conferences and a three week long conference last march allowed the NGOs to lobby and deliver alternative reports. But the system is locked up, and the documents are cryptic, using a language impossible to understand by most activists. However the meeting still remains an important one : it gives the opportunity to the different NGOs to compare their practice, or simply to inform of the often tragic situation in their own country. It also highlights the importance of the women issue for all countries. As such, we could see during this process the very neat tendency by the G77 (unaligned countries), Syria and Algeria ahead, to slow down by all means the progress. In consequence, the text that will be presented at Beijing+5, which is a collection of all the amendments of each state, will not be finalised until the day before. This greatly limits the room for diplomatic manoeuvre by the other states, but more importantly by the NGOs which will be the last ones to be informed. Another disturber imposed itself: The Pro-Life. 400 oddballs infiltrated the different workshops last march, especially the ones for the youngs, the lesbians, and the right to health protected reproduction, to minimize the work done by the activists and, above all, to maintain the controversial place of the Vatican at the UN. The religious (mostly Catholics) and not simply the fanatics - they're proud to say that they have members from different persuasions - are in the place to communicate largely, and to present their propaganda as psalms. The last issue at stake, and not the least, the first one in the sense that it is transversal to all the questions, is the globalisation and its consequences : poverty, destruction of ground water, the appropriation of water by private companies, the end of traditional farming, financial speculation, pharmaceutical industry rip-off, arms race, children works, women traffic. Several aggressions that are contrary to development, health, education, peace, life. Is it necessary to recall here that women are the principal victims of these. Open the debate to all (women and men) that are fighting against the dictatorship of the market law. Very insufficiently covered by the traditional media and the institutions, these conferences leave no marks, and seldom hit the street. Women's organisations, of more than 80 countries from all around the world, whose main action is communication and information, created a network "WomenAction 2000" with the goal to allow participation by everyone to the Beijing +5 process. Through the web site www.womenaction.org , the users can follow the latest news concerning the conference in June. (see also the article in the Courriel d'information n°122). The Penelopes, French member of the Womenaction2000 network, member of the "World March of Women", and active member of Attac since its creation will produce a one hour long interactive TV show live from New York, every day at 1h30 GMT (visible at 22h30 French time) from the 4th of June to the 9th. One or several guests will comment on the event in English, French, and Spanish, and many reports will feed the online discussion. Every users will be able to chat online, which will nourish the following day program. As such, every one will participate and contribute without being physically there. This is one of the challenge of this program. Besides, more foundational texts and photos taken during the conference will be made available to the public. Every program will also be available live and stored on the Penelopes' channel, Cyberfemmes. http://www.canalweb.net/vers/cyberfemmes.asp Besides, WomenAction2000, will produce a daily newspaper edited by a team of journalists coming from Asia, Africa, Europe, north and South America. This paper will be published in French, English, and Spanish and will be printed, and also put online both through a website and a mailing list. It will be available in New-York every morning at 9 am and the day before in the afternoon through e-mail. If you wish to receive these news, please subscribe to the mailing list by sending an e-mail to info@womenaction.org . Finally, WomenAction2000 will be run in close partnership with FIRE (Feminist news radio) from Costa Rica. This way, the news from Beijing+5 will be available on air. The FIRE program can also be listened to through the Internet: www.fire.or.cr/indexeng.htm . Information is our strength. Women resistance on all fronts is the cement of all fights. The struggle against financial globalisation, the death of liberalism, the overthrow of unique thought, the promotion of counter-power, economical alternatives, the construction of an equal society, goes through the appropriation by the citizens of the world of a true political project: feminism. Joëlle Palmieri. Les Pénélopes, penelopes@penelopes.org - http://www.penelopes.org First publication Courriel d'information 133 journal@attac.org Translation Mathieu Capcarrere coorditrad@attac.org ______________________________ Reinforcing citizenship ____________________________________________________________ Since I don't believe in a written and unmovable future, the task of guessing or predicting it is completely alien to me. The only thing I know for sure is that tomorrow will be made of the conjunction of human being's free choices, and hazard (I mean unpredictable events), just like yesterday was. I do not find exciting either the melancholic exertion to emphasize the most probable lines that our societies development will follow , because such predictions, supposedly scientific, usually don't have other origins than instinctive pessimism - "think bad and you'll succeed" - or the faith in one of these days techno-democratic illusions. Instead of that, it would not be bad if we talked of what is possible, even if its achievement seems difficult or improbable. Because realizing what is possible mostly depends on how efficiently you wish it, and to be able to achieve such a wish, you have to imagine it before. I am not talking of an unrealistic imagination, for which I have historically-funded arguments against, but of an imagination that would serve our ideals. I think that the most important social ideal for me is now citizenship. By citizen I mean a conscient and active member of a democratic society : the one who knows his individual rights as well as his public duties, does not renounce to interfere in the politics of his community, and does not automatically leave his own obligations in the hands of "leadership specialists". It shows that the molding of responsible citizens has an important educational basis, i.e. an intellectual training in the shared values and the practice of rational and critical thinking (which includes the ability of persuading for argument's sake, as well as being persuaded by arguments, thus excluding the fanatism of a priori absolute principles) which I tried to explain in some of my books. But as important as it may be, education by itself can not be of any use to cement a real democratic citizenship. It also requires a well-defined economical basis that guarantees the actual autonomy of every member of the community. Utter poverty, complete deprivation or abusive precarity of one's means of subsistence, debar those affected by it from any civic participation but fooling or servile imitation. The characteristic of all democracies ever since the Athenian one is to try in any way to improve the condition of their unfavored, in order to make possible their civic participation. If I remember well, it was Tom Paine, the valuable author of The Human Rights, who in 1792 theorized for the first time the urgency to warrant a series of helps for compromised groups or social situations, and I do not understand such help as a mere allowance against vagrancy, but as an genuine civil right. In the technically over-developed society we are living in today, where automated machines replaced so many employments, we are trapped in a vicious circle : liberalism calls for always more deregulation of the working legislation, which increase the poverty level and exclude an ever growing number of persons from social protection. Meanwhile the social-democracy only succeeds in promoting laws that curb the private initiative, the choice of part-time jobs and the unpaid, but socially useful activities. It would be time to think of a basic income for all the citizens, not as a subsidy for the destitute, but as a democratic right for everybody. Such income should warrant a minimal livelihood for all the people, with which working would become a free or temporary option, humanitarian or creative activities that the market do not reward would be enhanced, and equal negotiation of working conditions between employers and employees would be eased. Where to find the funds to back this basic income? Of course there would have to reform the current social allowances, impose a tax on remunerated jobs and even more on financial transactions. But most of all, there will have to realize that even if economical growth owes much to the individual initiative of a few persons, all wealth is fundamentally social, and can not be separated from communal - that is to say democratic - obligations. Fernando Savater. Published in the Correo Informativo 35. informativo@attac.org Translation Benjamin Guichard coorditrad@attac.org ______________________________ Using NAFTA to Grab Lucrative Market ____________________________________________________________ U.S. courier giant United Parcel Service (UPS) is trying to grab the country's most lucrative courier market away from Canada Post - and it's using the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) to do it, says the Canadian Union of Postal Workers and The Council of Canadians. In a claim made public by the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade last week, UPS is demanding that Canada pay $100 million (U.S.) under the investor-state provisions of Chapter 11 in NAFTA. UPS alleges that Canada Post used the existing infrastructure of Canada Post mail delivery service to expand into the courier business, and has also used the Canada Post infrastructure to undercut the service and delivery charges of other courier companies. ``Once again, Canadians are being swindled by the investor-state provisions of NAFTA,'' said Maude Barlow, Volunteer Chairperson of The Council of Canadians. ``It's outrageous that such disputes have the potential to cost Canadians hundreds of millions of dollars and actually destroy Canadian control and dominance of our own market.'' ``Only Canada Post delivers to communities all across Canada,'' said Deborah Bourque of the Canadian Union of Postal Workers. ``The UPS challenge is about acquiring the infrastructure of Canada Post in lucrative areas like the Quebec Windsor Corridor. They are not interested in delivering courier packages to remote parts of the country where access is difficult and expensive. ''Ms. Bourque added. ``The UPS challenge threatens the survival of courier services to rural communities across Canada,'' said Cynthia Patterson, Chairperson of Rural Dignity. ``Whereas Canada Post's services are accessible and affordable all over Canada, UPS has already abandoned many rural communities,'' she added. # distributed via <nettime>: no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a moderated mailing list for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: majordomo@bbs.thing.net and "info nettime-l" in the msg body # archive: http://www.nettime.org contact: nettime@bbs.thing.net